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Escravidão e comércio triangular (13)

ИГРАТЬ.

Para atender a demanda de mão-de-obra, os comerciantes começaram a comprar cativos (pessoas!) Na África Ocidental. A maioria dos cativos foram retirados de suas casas e famílias.

Em 1750, todas as treze colônias tornaram a escravidão legal.

Grã-Bretanha (incluindo suas colônias)

Espanha? Precisa verificar isso: a escravidão é ilegal na Espanha.

Eles também têm outros empregados: carpinteiros, ferreiros e cozinheiros. Outros trabalharam como criados em famílias ricas.

O Muro em Wall Street (Nova York) foi construído por escravos.

Os proprietários dessas plantações contrataram pobres brancos para atuar como supervisores. Os supervisores assistiram os trabalhadores nos campos e se certificaram de que o trabalho continuasse, dawn ao crepúsculo.

Sob estas leis, os detentores de escravos tinham poder total sobre os trabalhadores escravizados, que eles frequentemente tratavam brutalmente: batidos, eles viviam em casas simples com pisos de terra, crianças vendidas. Uma pessoa escravizada que tentou fugir poderia ser morta.

Nos leilões de escravos, as pessoas eram negociadas e vendidas como gado.

Eles contribuíram com palavras de suas línguas nativas, como o banjo.

Os escravos não podiam ler ou escrever, então eles contaram histórias para ensinar seus filhos sobre sua cultura e vida. Spirituals, as canções religiosas de africanos escravizados, influenciaram a música americana.

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ESCLAVAGENS E O COMÉRCIO SLAVE.

ESCLAVAGENS E O COMÉRCIO SLAVE. A escravidão existiu ao longo da história. A maioria das sociedades tomou provisões para isso dentro de sua estrutura, e a maioria dos povos tem sido fonte de escravos em um momento ou outro. A expansão da escravidão foi muitas vezes um subproduto da construção do império como um poder dominante transformou seus prisioneiros de guerra em escravos através da conquista. No entanto, do império ao império houve uma variação considerável no status legal dos escravos e perspectivas de incorporação na política; Da mesma forma, dentro de uma determinada sociedade ou estado, pode haver uma ampla gama de status, trabalho e oportunidades entre os diferentes escravos.

De fato, uma definição precisa da escravidão que se encaixa em todas as sociedades é difícil de apresentar. A maioria das formas de escravidão compartilha as seguintes características: (1) os escravos são obrigados a viver suas vidas em serviço perpétuo para seu mestre, uma obrigação que somente o mestre (ou o estado) pode se dissolver; (2) os escravos estão sob o poder total de seus mestres, embora o estado ou comunidade possa impor certas restrições ao tratamento do mestre sobre o escravo; (3) os escravos são propriedade, que podem ser vendidos ou passados ​​como uma herança à discrição do mestrado; e (4) a condição de escravidão é transmitida de pai para filho.

Os historiadores muitas vezes distinguem entre "sociedades escravas" e "sociedades com escravos", baseados na centralidade da escravidão para a economia. A Roma antiga e as colônias de plantação do Brasil, do Caribe e do Sul americano eram "sociedades escravas"; Durante o início do período moderno, a maioria dos países europeus e muitas colônias latino-americanas eram meramente "sociedades com escravos".

A questão de quem pode legitimamente ser escravizado em qualquer sociedade geralmente se resume a uma definição de quem constitui um "insider" e que é fundamentalmente excluído de uma sociedade. Ao longo do início do período moderno, essas linhas passaram de categorias religiosas a somáticas, criando assim a categoria relativamente nova de "raça". Assim, os cristãos do século xv justificaram a escravização de não-cristãos em bases fundamentalmente religiosas. Em contraste com os impérios russos e otomanos, no século XVII, todos os poderes da Europa Ocidental definiam os africanos como peculiarmente destinados à escravidão, uma opinião que muitas vezes era justificada pelo relato bíblico da maldição sobre os filhos de Noé. À medida que o secularismo e o materialismo do Iluminismo se tornaram influentes nos séculos XVIII e XIX, um novo discurso biologicamente justificado de racismo foi reforçado pelos pronunciamentos da ciência. Alguns teóricos, incluindo aqueles em nações sem vínculos diretos com o tráfico de escravos, abraçaram essas atitudes. Por exemplo, o pensador do Iluminismo alemão, Immanuel Kant, citou com aprovação a caracterização de negros de David Hume como altamente supersticioso, excessivamente falante, sem inteligência e sem artes. Várias formas de racismo & # x2018; científico, institucional e cultural; # x2018; Surpreendeu a instituição da escravidão e persistiu na Europa hoje.

RAÍCES DA ESCLAVERA MODERNA TEMPRE.

Enquanto a escravidão era uma característica significativa das sociedades gregas e do Oriente Médio antigas, as raízes diretas do início do tráfego moderno da Europa em escravos podem ser atribuídas à Roma antiga e ao islamismo primitivo. No auge de seu poder (c. 200 aC e x2018; 200 ce), a república romana dependia de talvez 2 milhões de escravos (ou cerca de um terço de sua população) para realizar todo tipo de trabalho, da produção agrícola e do serviço doméstico ao comando militar e ao assessoramento político. Muitos desses escravos foram retirados das comunidades e culturas na periferia do império e pressionados para o serviço onde, através das redes comerciais, se deslocaram em todas as terras sob controle imperial romano.

Com o colapso do Império Romano no final do século IV, a escravidão tornou-se muito mais marginal na maioria das regiões européias. Enquanto algumas famílias continuavam a manter um pequeno número de escravos, muitas vezes como empregados domésticos, a escravidão agrícola generalizada geralmente cedeu à servidão, especialmente no norte e oeste da Europa (incluindo Inglaterra, Escandinávia e França). A principal diferença entre servos e escravos era que os servos estavam ligados à terra. eles não podiam ser trocados fora da propriedade senhorial a que eles nasceram. Os escravos, ao contrário, eram bens móveis que podiam ser comprados e vendidos; Sua existência legal foi mediada por seus mestres. Em 1086, quando William, o Conquistador, ordenou a pesquisa das terras da Inglaterra conhecidas como o livro Domesday ("Doomsday"), apenas cerca de 10% da população inglesa foi contada como escravos e a proporção continuou a diminuir depois disso. As regiões com vínculos mais fortes com o Império Bizantino (por exemplo, a Rússia) e a África do Norte muçulmana (por exemplo, a Sicília) tiveram maior acesso aos mercados de escravos e a escravidão continuou como uma característica menor mas persistente das sociedades medievais do sul e do leste europeu.

O islamismo, sendo religiosamente e linguisticamente distinto da Europa cristã, expandiu um sistema escravo preexistente nos séculos sétimo e oitavo durante as conquistas importantes da Península Ibérica (Espanha e Portugal) até a fronteira da China. O império islâmico, como Roma, permitiu a integração de pessoas conquistadas em sua própria população através de vários mecanismos de assimilação, incluindo a escravidão. A língua árabe & # x2018; a língua dominante dos muçulmanos originais e # x2018; proporcionou a unidade burocrática e cultural às elites enquanto persistiam muitas línguas e costumes vernáculas. No entanto, a religião do Islam deu unidade legal, cultural e linguística. pelo menos no nível administrativo de elite & # x2018; para um império diverso e cosmopolita.

A escravidão sob regimes islâmicos, no entanto, diferiu da escravidão romana de certas formas. Primeiro, não era uma característica central na produção agrícola, como a escravidão tinha sido para a península italiana; A maioria dos escravos detidos pelos muçulmanos era empregada no serviço doméstico. Em segundo lugar, a grande maioria dos escravos nos primeiros estados islâmicos eram mulheres e crianças; # x2018; Os prisioneiros de guerra masculinos que resistiam eram provavelmente mortos do que escravizados. No entanto, os homens escravos vieram a ser usados ​​por milhares como soldados e administradores em impérios posteriores, como os dos mamelucos do Egito e dos otomanos.

Outra característica importante da escravidão islâmica, desde a perspectiva da Europa moderna precoce, é o desenvolvimento das rotas do escravo trans-saariano e um discurso emergente que associa a escuridão à escravidão. Enquanto os muçulmanos escravizavam uma gama extremamente diversificada de povos, dos caucasianos loiros e de olhos azuis aos Zanj de pele de ébano da África Oriental, um tropo literário surgiu em torno de 675 e # x2018; 725 sob a dinastia dos Omãyades, que conhece inferioridade àqueles com pele escura. O mundo muçulmano também forneceu a Península Ibérica com escravos, de modo que, ao completar a Reconquista no século XV, havia uma comunidade estável de vários milhares de negros de ascendência africana sub-sahariana nas principais cidades de Portugal e Castela.

Constantius II (governado por 337 e x2018; 361), o imperador cristão de Roma, decretou em 339 que os judeus não tinham permissão para manter os cristãos como escravos. Durante a Idade Média, uma nova política que exclui a escravidão de outros cristãos e # x2018; possivelmente em imitação de proibições muçulmanas semelhantes contra a escravização de coreligionistas & # x2018; serviu para ganhar conversos pagãos para a crescente ordem feudal cristã. A maioria das palavras das línguas da Europa Ocidental para o escravo são etimologicamente relacionadas; "escravo" (inglês), Sklave (alemão), esclave (francês), esclavo (espanhol), schiavo (italiano) e até a saqaliba árabe são todos baseados no termo étnico "eslavo" e se referem aos povos dos Bálcãs do Sul que foram uma das principais fontes de escravos durante os períodos antigo e medieval.

EUROPEOS COMO ESCLAVOS.

Os europeus não eram apenas proprietários de escravos no início do período moderno; eles também eram escravos. Pelo menos no século XVI, milhares de europeus foram capturados por corsários muçulmanos em ou ao longo das costas do Mar Mediterrâneo, Oceano Atlântico ou Mar do Norte e vendidos em mercados de escravos de Alexandria, Egito para Meknes, Marrocos. Marinheiros, pescadores, comerciantes, viajantes e soldados eram os mais vulneráveis ​​aos incursores marítimos. Em terra, com a expansão do Império Otomano para a Europa, as famílias camponesas eram tão sujeitas a escravidão quanto soldados combatentes. Alguns cativos cristãos se converteram ao Islã e fizeram novas vidas para si, outros foram resgatados por seus parentes, escaparam ou morreram em cativeiro. Alguns foram pressionados para servir como galera escravos em navios muçulmanos. Muitos observadores observaram que o tratamento deles era melhor do que nas galeras francesa, italiana ou espanhola. Em geral, a escravidão no Império Otomano teria sido mais amena do que a escravidão em outros lugares, e a manumissão (a libertação individual de escravos) era uma forma comum, mesmo esperada, de caridade para os muçulmanos observadores.

Na segunda metade do século XVII, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, ministro-chefe do rei da França, Luís XIV (governado em 1643, 1720, 1715), expandiu um sistema de escravos de galera como punição para muitos tipos diferentes de crimes. Mais de 1.500 dissidentes protestantes foram condenados às galeras francesas. Durante o mesmo período, o imperador Habsburgo Leopoldo I (governado por 1658 & # x2018; 1705), em conjunto com Luís XIV, suspendeu a liberdade religiosa garantida pela constituição húngara e enviou cerca de sessenta ministros protestantes para serem vendidos às galeras espanholas; vinte e seis presos sobreviventes foram libertados em 1676. O sistema penal da galera francesa continuou até 1748.

No mesmo período, desde o final do século XVII até o final do século XVIII, a apreensão de cativos de guerra por resgate ou trabalho tornou-se uma arma de guerra entre os impérios russo e otomano. No entanto, em contraste com os otomanos, cujos escravos eram esmagadoramente estrangeiros não muçulmanos, a Rússia tirou a maioria dos escravos de sua própria população doméstica, muitos dos quais se venderam para escapar da fome ou da miséria.

A escravidão persistiu na Rússia até o início do século XVIII, quando o Estado tsarista redefiniu os escravos domésticos como servos para que pudessem ser tributados. A linha entre servo e escravo, no entanto, era muitas vezes desfocada na prática. A escravidão na Europa otomana continuou em forma reduzida ao longo do século XIX até sua abolição formal no final do século.

EUROPA E O COMÉRCIO DE ESCLAVOS TRANSATLÁCTICOS.

As raízes das colônias de escravos da Europa na América podem ser encontradas na exploração portuguesa do século XV da costa ocidental da África. Ao conquistar a fortaleza muçulmana de Ceuta no norte da África em 1415, os governantes portugueses voltaram sua atenção para que os bens comerciais fossem entregues no deserto do Saara. Ao contornar a costa, os exploradores patrocinados pela realeza esperavam traçar os suprimentos de ouro e outros bens preciosos para sua fonte, ignorando assim os custos dos comerciantes intermediários. Em meados da década de 1450, os portugueses começaram a comprar escravos ao longo da costa da África Ocidental, estabelecendo contratos com governantes Wolof, Mandinga e Bati para trocar ouro, algodão, marfim e escravos para cavalos, pano vermelho e ferro. Na década de 1480, os portugueses estabeleceram o entrep & # xF4; st de S & # xE3; o Tom & # xE9; e Elmina para servir as rotas comerciais regulares do Congo e Benin. Ao mesmo tempo, seguindo o modelo medieval de produção de açúcar no norte da África e várias ilhas do Mediterrâneo, as plantações portuguesas estabelecidas nas ilhas atlânticas da Madeira, nas ilhas de Cabo Verde e nas Canárias, e as trabalhavam cada vez mais com escravos importados da África .

Embora alguns escravos africanos tenham chegado aos Estados Unidos junto com os conquistadores espanhóis já em 1502, as necessidades de trabalho colonial mais recentes no Novo Mundo foram inicialmente atendidas por ameríndios. Os governantes espanhóis replicaram o sistema tributo feudal da encomienda em suas colônias do Novo Mundo, obrigando os ameríndios a produzir produtos básicos, como milho, feijão e algodão, bem como produtos de luxo, incluindo ouro e prata. Devido a esta exploração, susceptibilidade às doenças do Velho Mundo e, talvez, em algumas regiões, uma crise ambiental de depleção do solo, as populações nativas morreram em taxas assustadoras: na bacia mexicana altamente povoada, 90% da população morreu dentro de um século de conquista . Uma confluência dessa escassez de mão-de-obra com suprimentos prontos de escravos africanos do entrep & # xF4; Na África Ocidental e Central do Senegal, Elmina (ao longo da Costa do Ouro), Angola e Congo facilitaram a experimentação das colônias espanholas com a importação de escravos africanos para o Caribe, México e Peru. Em 1580, cerca de 74 mil africanos haviam sido enviados da África para as Américas, enquanto cerca de 232 mil espanhóis e portugueses deixaram as Américas durante o mesmo período.

De 1580 a 1700, a proporção relativa da emigração da África e da Europa reverteu. Aproximadamente 1.531.000 africanos deixaram a África para as Américas (embora uma média de 20 por cento pereceu durante a difícil Passagem do meio), enquanto que ao mesmo tempo apenas cerca de 944.000 europeus se aventuraram para o Novo Mundo, principalmente para colônias espanholas e britânicas. Essa transformação foi a introdução do cultivo de açúcar, primeiro no Brasil português, e depois no Caribe. Ao contrário do tabaco, outro produto exótico cultivado na América para exportar para a Europa, o açúcar exigiu uma grande força de trabalho para processar a cana-de-açúcar madura no local antes de apodrecer. Os plantadores coloniais buscaram economia de escala através da consolidação de grandes plantações, com gangues de 20 a 200 escravos que ficaram acordados durante a noite para alimentar os engenhos de açúcar protoindustriais e cuidar dos tanques de refinação.

Também no século XVII, os holandeses assumiram grande parte do império português, conquistando postos comerciais em África e no Brasil e confiscando o lucrativo tráfico de escravos transatlânticos. Enquanto isso, os colonos ingleses e franceses começaram a invadir o monopólio colonial ibérico na América do Norte, as Antilhas e a Guiana costeira. Em primeiro lugar, a mercadoria favorecida na Virgínia e no Caribe era o tabaco, crescido principalmente com servos contratados da Europa, mas gradualmente isso foi ultrapassado nos trópicos pelo açúcar e índigo, e foi complementado com café e algodão. Essas culturas aceleraram a demanda colonial de trabalho escravo, de modo que, de 1700 a 1760, cerca de 2.775.000 africanos foram enviados para o Novo Mundo, enquanto apenas 891.000 europeus partiram para o mesmo destino.

Desta forma, surgiu um "triângulo de comércio", ligando os continentes da Europa, África e as Américas. Os comerciantes de escravos de Portugal, Holanda, Inglaterra e França trouxeram materiais brutos e fabricados (como ferro, vidro, armas, pano e cavalos) para comerciantes africanos. Os governantes africanos se beneficiaram desse comércio, travando guerra contra vizinhos ou exigindo homenagem sob a forma de escravos, que eles, por sua vez, trocaram para os europeus pelos itens de luxo exóticos que eles forneceram. Os comerciantes europeus envolveram escravos em veleiros para a notória Passagem do meio, que em média dois a três meses no século XVI, mas poderia ser completada em apenas 20 a 40 dias no século XIX. Os sobreviventes da viagem transatlântica foram vendidos para proprietários de escravos para açúcar, ouro, tabaco e rum, que por sua vez foram vendidos na Europa.

O comércio português patrocinado pela Royal foi eclipsado no século XVII pelas empresas comerciais holandesas, inglesas e francesas, cada uma com privilégios nacionais exclusivos ou cartas, para trocas entre regiões específicas. No entanto, muitos colonos criticaram essas restrições mercantilistas, e o contrabando foi generalizado, especialmente fora dos centros comerciais centrais. Em meados do século XVIII, os ingleses e franceses dominavam o tráfico escravo do Atlântico.

ESCLAVAGENS E A ECONOMIA DA EUROPA.

O efeito da escravidão atlântica nas economias europeias tem sido um debate considerável desde a publicação de 1944 do capitalismo e da escravidão de Eric Williams. Como parte de seu argumento sobre o aumento e a queda da escravidão do Atlântico, Williams afirmou que o sistema escravo do Atlântico criou a demanda de exportação, a rede comercial e um dos principais fluxos de capital que alimentaram a revolução industrial da Inglaterra. As afirmações de Williams foram desafiadas, no entanto, por uma geração de historiadores, como Roger Anstey e Seymour Drescher, que argumentaram que os lucros da escravatura nunca foram suficientes para ser uma fonte significativa de capital para a revolução industrial e que o escravo as colônias, ao invés de gerar lucros substanciais, foram na verdade uma perda líquida para a metrópole.

Ainda assim, as relações econômicas complexas estabelecidas dentro e entre a Europa, África e as Américas no início do período moderno tornam difícil isolar os desenvolvimentos econômicos da Europa do complexo escravo americano. Alguns historiadores continuam a argumentar que os escravos africanos eram responsáveis ​​por cerca de 75 por cento dos produtos americanos que alimentavam a revolução comercial do século XVII e XVIII, o que, por sua vez, contribuiu para a urbanização da Grã-Bretanha, a criação de mercados, a exportação de manufatura e a mudança para a produção industrial depois de 1750. Outros sugerem que a concentração do capital, a inovação tecnológica e a organização do trabalho para a eficiência nas plantações de açúcar colonial foram modelos para a industrialização das indústrias têxteis européias.

ESCLAVAGENS E LEI.

A lei da escravidão, tal como acontece com a lei de forma mais geral, engloba leis positivas (estatutos), jurisprudência (filosofia jurídica) e jurisprudência. Embora o conhecimento dos estatutos seja necessário para conhecer o status prescritivo dos escravos em qualquer jurisdição específica, uma melhor compreensão de sua condição real em qualquer comunidade pode ser encontrada através de um exame dos processos judiciais relativos a escravos, bem como aqueles relativos a ex-escravos ou "libertos".

A lei dos escravos romanos, codificada no Corpus juris civilis do século sexto de Justiniano, influenciou a maioria dos sistemas jurídicos europeus continentais, embora, como a escravidão se tornou economicamente importante para as colônias americanas, a lei foi modificada para refletir os interesses locais. Várias características do direito romano foram fundamentais para juristas posteriores, incluindo práticas de manumissão, estado civil e direito penal. Para alguns propósitos, a lei tratava os escravos como se fossem seres humanos, para outros, como coisas.

A lei romana facilitava a manumissão, ou a libertação individual de escravos e a entrada dos escravos na população como cidadãos. Embora os escravos manumitted não gozassem de todos os direitos dos cidadãos romanos livres, os filhos livres. Os escravos, como filhos ou filhas livres de cidadãos romanos, não podiam possuir bens por direito próprio até a morte do mestre / patriarca. No entanto, o direito romano permitiu a criação de um fundo de poupança, ou peculiar, que & # x2018; embora tecnicamente a propriedade do mestre & # x2018; foi administrado pelo escravo dentro dos limites ditados pelo mestre. Assim, os escravos foram autorizados a comprar sua liberdade através de poupanças acumuladas, com a permissão do mestre e com o preço estabelecido pelo mesmo.

O imperador Justiniano introduziu uma série de procedimentos que, se forçados, moderariam o sistema escravo do ponto de vista do escravo. Por exemplo, o código de Justiniano afirmou que um mestre não podia matar seu escravo com impunidade e, em casos de abuso extremo, um escravo poderia buscar a proteção do imperador ou da igreja. E enquanto a república romana tardia (c. 50 b. c.e.) reconheceu apenas três avenidas para a liberdade; manumissão por inscrição no censo, manumission por testamento, e procedimentos em que a liberdade foi restaurada para uma pessoa livre que havia sido erroneamente realizada como escrava & # x2018; sob Justiniano, foram reconhecidos meios adicionais de manumissão, incluindo uma carta assinada por cinco testemunhas, manumissão na igreja cristã e reconhecimento oficial por um mestre de que um escravo era seu filho.

Contudo, de acordo com o direito romano, os escravos não podiam fazer parte de ações judiciais civis, nem acusadores em casos criminais, nem em direito romano poderiam se casar. O seu testemunho poderia, sob certas condições, ser aceito, mas não contra os seus senhores. Nos casos em que o seu testemunho foi autorizado, foram obrigados a sofrer tortura. Ao mesmo tempo, era perfeitamente legítimo tentar escravos como réus em casos criminais. Os escravos escapados não foram punidos pelo estado, mas, se capturados, estavam sujeitos à disciplina do mestre.

A maioria dos tribunais judiciais da Europa Ocidental absorveu o direito romano como parte de sua cultura jurídica, mas inovou de acordo com seus próprios costumes e condições através das eras modernas medieval e precoce. Para a Espanha castelhana, Las siete partidas, uma compilação consolidada sob Alfonso X (1252 x 1288; 1284) em torno de 1265 (e promulgada em 1348) integrou características romanas com códigos visigodos e práticas medievais. A nova lei espanhola reconheceu casamentos escravos, mesmo em oposição de mestres, e os mestres serão penalizados por promover um casamento clandestino entre seus próprios escravos e o outro. Ordena & # xE7 de Portugal; As Filipinas, promulgada por Philip II (governado por 1556, 1520, 1598) e confirmada pelo rei português John IV (1640, 1640, 1616-1616) em 1643, estabeleceu leis gerais de escravos para territórios portugueses após a independência brasileira em 1822, mas Estes foram suplementados explicitamente pelo Corpus juris civilis até 1769, quando os precedentes romanos foram descartados pelos princípios da lei natural do Iluminismo. Em muitos aspectos, incluindo a manumissão, as leis de Portugal eram, portanto, idênticas às de Roma. Enquanto o Código Noir da França de 1685 refletiu fortemente o desejo de Luís XIV de fazer do catolicismo a única religião do reino (uma inovação sobre as tradições romanas), muitas das disposições da lei francesa refletiam o antigo código Justiniano.

Apesar dessas continuidades com o direito romano, a nova experiência do escravo atlântico gerou novos costumes legais e, eventualmente, estatutos. Nas colônias francesas do Caribe, o Code noir continha uma disposição, aparentemente seguindo o costume local, mas sem dúvida sancionada pela igreja, no sentido de que qualquer mestre que gerasse uma criança com sua concubina escrava suportaria uma multa pesada e os escravos seriam confiscados para o estado, a menos que o mestre se casou com o escravo em questão, com o qual mãe e filho seriam assim reconhecidos como livres. Quando o Code noir foi reeditado para a nova colônia da Louisiana em 1724, no entanto, esta disposição foi omitida e uma nova proibiu explicitamente os casamentos entre brancos e negros.

As inovações mais marcantes foram evidentes na Inglaterra e nas suas colônias, onde nem as tradições legais romanas, nem a prática da escravidão, levaram a Idade Média ao início do período moderno da colonização atlântica. As assembléias coloniais da Inglaterra foram autorizadas a diferenciar a lei local da da metrópole; portanto, cada colônia desenvolveu sua própria legislação e jurisprudência única no que diz respeito ao status e tratamento de escravos e libertos. Nos últimos séculos XVII e XVIII, as colônias americanas britânicas passaram por medidas cada vez mais rígidas que regulavam escravos e negros livres. Por exemplo, um estatuto da Virgínia de 1682 afirmou que, se um escravo morresse, resistiu à força de seu mestre, o mestre não seria responsável por acusações de crime, já que "não se pode presumir que a malícia [premeditada] deve induzir qualquer homem a destruir sua própria propriedade [propriedade]."

A lei escrita de Espanha mudou ainda mais nos assentamentos coloniais do Novo Mundo. Por exemplo, os escravos às vezes eram autorizados a testemunhar no tribunal e um privilégio de mestre de re-escravizar um libertador ingrato caiu em desuso. Uma das inovações usuais mais importantes na lei de escravos foi a prática de coartaci & # xF3; n, que se desenvolveu na América espanhola do século XVIII. Com base em coartaci & # xF3; n, um escravo que apresentou um preço justo ao seu mestre poderia alcançar sua liberdade & # x2018; com ou sem o consentimento do mestre. Esse fator, juntamente com dados demográficos, condições econômicas e razões culturais, ajuda a explicar por que as pessoas de cor constituem uma proporção maior da população livre em muitas colônias latino-americanas.

ANTISLAVERIA E ABOLIÇÃO.

O movimento para abolir a escravidão tem raízes na cultura urbana européia, movimentos religiosos e intelectuais europeus de elite e resistência dos escravos afro-americanos. No entanto, não foi até o final do século XVIII que todas essas forças se combinaram para criar um ataque contínuo contra a instituição da escravidão em si, e não até o século XIX que o escravo atlântico trocava e, depois, a escravidão americana, foram finalmente abolidos.

Desde pelo menos o século XIII, os centros urbanos da França, como Toulouse e Pamiers, tornaram-se refúgios das formas mais extremas de escravidão, adotando cartas que libertaram escravos na entrada da aldeia. Na Inglaterra, um escravo russo foi libertado em 1567, alegando que "o ar da Inglaterra é muito puro para um escravo respirar". Na França do século XVII, as tradições locais de apoio à liberdade foram estendidas ao reino francês na máxima: "Todas as pessoas são livres neste reino, e assim que um escravo chegou às fronteiras deste lugar, ser batizado, é libertado. "

À medida que o sistema dos escravos atlânticos começou a se expandir, alguns críticos argumentaram por limitações aos excessos da escravidão e do tráfico de escravos durante o início do período moderno. Na Espanha e na América espanhola do século dezessete e do século XVII, alguns clérigos católicos expressaram suas preocupações, incluindo Bartolomen # xE9; de Las Casas (1474 & # x2018; 1566), que se opuseram à escravização de índios e a Tom & # xE1; s de Mercado e Alonso de Sandoval, que desafiaram as mais extremas crueldades do tráfico de escravos. Em 1646, a ordem missionária capuchinha foi expulso da colônia antillana francesa de Saint-Christophe, alegadamente porque eles pregavam a idéia de que uma vez batizada, os negros não podiam mais ser mantidos como escravos porque "é indigno usar o irmão cristão como um escravo." Em 1688, vários quakers de língua alemã de Germantown, na Pensilvânia, castigaram seus coreligionistas por possuir e negociar escravos, pois "têm ... tanto direito de lutar pela liberdade como você tem que mantê-los como escravos". No entanto, muitos cristãos também enfatizaram a virtude da obediência dos escravos aos seus mestres e a suspensão da recompensa até o futuro, sancionando implicitamente a escravidão e a desigualdade no aqui e agora.

No século XVIII, vozes mais seculares começaram a criticar a escravidão com base na lei natural e na vinculação da escravidão pessoal com o despotismo político. Os escritores da Iluminação escocesa Francis Hutcheson e George Wallace estiveram entre os primeiros a atacar a escravidão e o tráfico de escravos como violações da "justiça natural" e da "humanidade". O filósofo francês Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712 & # x2018; 1778) partiu diretamente de Wallace para desafiar o direito dos escravos de se venderem em servidão no contrato social. Em 1762, havia um grupo suficiente de pensamento antiesclavista para o Quaker de Pensilvânia, Anthony Benezet, para publicar o primeiro título dedicado unicamente à abolição da escravidão e ao tráfico de escravos, uma coleção que ele intitulava Uma breve conta daquela parte da África habitada por negros, que foi amplamente lido em ambos os lados do Atlântico.

A terceira fonte do abolicionismo foi a ação dos próprios escravos para resistir à escravidão. Nas Américas, os escravos que fugiram, conhecidos como "marrocos", estabeleceram comunidades independentes nas regiões além do poder colonial direto, como os cânions da Jamaica, as montanhas de Guadalupe, o sertão; # xE3; o do Brasil e os pântanos da Flórida. Algumas das comunidades marrons eram tão poderosas militarmente que estabeleceram tratados com as potências coloniais européias locais, como no Suriname.

Desde 1527 e ao longo da expansão da escravidão de plantação nos séculos XVII, XVIII e XIX, os escravos conspiraram e se revoltaram contra os mestres. A maioria dessas revoltas eram eventos de pequena escala, com o objetivo de buscar a justiça local. Se eles foram promulgados na escala individual ou comunitária pelos marões, ou na arena mais ampla de revolta ou revolução, os escravos superaram grandes chances de buscar autonomia para si e, quando possível, ao estender essa liberdade aos outros. A revolta dos escravos de 1791 no norte de Saint Domingue que entrou na Revolução Haitiana articulou uma forte ideologia anti-escravidão e efetuou a primeira emancipação universal (das colônias francesas, em 1794) e a primeira república independente estabelecida pelos antigos escravos (Haiti, 1804).

O final do século XVIII também marca o início dos movimentos de abolição do Atlântico burguês. Granville Sharp, um inglês excêntrico e piedoso, tomou a causa de um escravo que havia sido seqüestrado e espancado por seu mestre na Inglaterra em 1765. A pesquisa de Sharp na lei o convenceu de que a constituição inglesa era antitética à escravidão. Os abolicionistas ingleses tiveram seu primeiro grande sucesso quando se reuniram com o apoio do escravo Somerset, cujo mestre tentou expulsá-lo da Inglaterra em um navio com destino à Jamaica em 1772. Embora a extensão da decisão do juiz Mansfield no caso Somerset tenha sido debatida por historians, it was widely interpreted at the time as effectively abolishing slavery within England, and Scottish courts soon followed suit with an even broader pronouncement against slavery in 1778.

In North America, patriots of the American Revolution equated British political tyranny with slavery and offered proposals to ban the slave trade. Some extended the critique to slavery itself, though antislavery and antiblack sentiments were sometimes intertwined. Vermont prohibited slavery in its 1777 constitution while Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Connecticut all adopted emancipation statutes. Judges in Massachusetts and New Hampshire issued decisions similar to England's Somerset decision, thus establishing these territories as free states. In the North, only New York and New Jersey, both with sizable slave populations, maintained a legal apparatus permitting the continuation of slavery, yet these states also generated active, if elitist, abolitionist societies.

Sharp was soon joined by other antislavery activists in England, including the Methodist founder John Wesley, who preached against the evils of slavery on both sides of the Atlantic. Quakers, Methodists, Sharp, and others formed the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade in 1787 and set about lobbying the British Parliament for their cause. Thomas Clarkson was the society's full-time organizer and propagandist. Within months, the group had collected more than 10,000 signatures on an antislavery petition from the city of Manchester alone, comprising half of the adult male population. Former slaves, including Olaudah Equiano (Gustavus Vassa) and Ottobah Cugoano penned their life stories and went on the lecture circuit to rally audiences to the cause. William Wilberforce, an influential member of Parliament, translated the antislavery sentiment into legislative initiatives. The first of these was defeated by pro-slavery opponents in 1791. Petition drives increased, with nearly 400,000 signatories in 1792. At this same time, the Danish government announced that it would abolish its own slave trade within ten years.

In France, the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789 and the Saint Domingue slave revolt of 1791 made it expedient for the French antislavery association, the Amis des noirs, to focus on mulatto rights. In 1794, the French Convention ratified the republican commissioners' offer of freedom to slaves who would fight against the royalists in Saint Domingue, and they extended it as a universal emancipation to slaves in all other colonies still under French control. However, Napoleon's forceful reimposition of slavery to the Caribbean colonies in 1802 precipitated Haitian independence and postponed French abolition until 1848.

The French and Haitian revolutions proved a setback to the British abolitionist movement, as conservative forces asserted that the popular classes were incapable of self-rule. It was not until 1808 that the Atlantic slave trade was formally abolished by Britain and the United States, with Britain policing the seas in an attempt to prevent Spanish and Portuguese trade to the Caribbean and Central and South America. It would take another thirty years for Britain's abolitionists to eliminate slavery within its remaining colonies (for example, Jamaica and Barbados), and not until 1888 was slavery abolished within the last American state, Brazil.

Though slavery was officially abolished in the Americas in the nineteenth century, it expanded in some parts of Africa as a direct result of Euro-American abolition. Slavery and related forms of coerced labor still exist today in many countries of the world. Women and children are especially vulnerable.

See also Africa ; Equality and Inequality ; Industry ; Laborers ; Race, Theories of ; Serfdom ; Servants .

BIBLIOGRAFIA.

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"Slavery and the Slave Trade." Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World . . Retrieved January 15, 2018 from Encyclopedia: encyclopedia/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/slavery-and-slave-trade.

Slave Trade.

COPYRIGHT 2003 The Gale Group Inc.

SLAVE TRADE.

SLAVE TRADE. The widespread enslavement of diverse peoples for economic and political gain has played a fundamental role throughout human history in the development of nations. Ancient Greek and Roman societies operated by using slave labor, as did many European countries in the modern period. As early as the Middle Ages, Mediterranean cities were supplied with "Moorish" black slaves from Muslim countries in North Africa. By comparison, the "slave trade" is a term which has grown to be associated specifically with the "transatlantic" or "triangular" trade that spanned four centuries (roughly between 1518 and 1865), involved three continents (Europe, Africa, and the Americas), and was responsible for human suffering on an unprecedented scale.

Slavery Comes to the New World.

African slaves were first brought to the New World shortly after its discovery by Christopher Columbus—legend has it that one slave was included in his original crew—and they could be found on Hispaniola, site of present-day Haiti, as early as 1501. Upon his arrival in the Bahamas, Columbus himself captured seven of the natives for their "education" on his return to Spain. However, the slave trade proper only began in 1518, when the first black cargo direct from Africa landed in the West Indies. The importation of black slaves to work in the Americas was the inspiration of the Spanish bishop, Bartolomé de Las Casas, whose support of black slavery was motivated by "humanitarian" concerns. He argued that the enslavement of Africans and even of some whites—proving that in the early period slavery did not operate according to exclusive racial demarcations—would save the indigenous Amerindian populations, which were not only dying out but engaging in large-scale resistance as they opposed their excessively harsh conditions. As a result, Charles V, then king of Spain, agreed to the asiento or slave trading license (1513), which later represented the most coveted prize in European wars as it gave to those who possessed it a monopoly in slave trafficking.

The widespread expansion of the oceanic slave trade can be attributed to the enormous labor demanded by sugarcane, one of the first and most successful agricultural.

crops to be cultivated by slaves. The earliest lucrative Spanish sugar plantations were in the Caribbean and West Indies on the islands of Haiti, Cuba, and Jamaica, while Portugal controlled large areas of Brazil. However, Spanish and Portuguese domination of the trade was soon challenged by other Europeans, including the British. One of their earliest adventurers, Sir John Hawkins, undertook his first voyage between 1562 and 1563, and as a direct consequence of his gains was knighted by Elizabeth I. By the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the Dutch had also secured prominence by founding the Dutch West India Company, taking control of northern Brazil, and conquering the slave-holding fort of Elmina on the West African coast. Among Britain's major slave-trading successes was Barbados (and later Jamaica, seized from Spain), upon which sugar was cultivated by Africans imported by the Royal African Company, founded in 1672 to protect a British monopoly in the trade. Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Britain's transatlantic slaveholding empire was unrivaled. By using vessels that embarked from the ports of Liverpool, Bristol, and London, Britain traded slaves from diverse areas of the African continent: from Senegambia south to the Gambia River as well as within Sierra Leone (later a settlement of British missionaries), the Gold Coast, the Bight of Benin, and West-Central Africa. The main African tribes associated with the slave trade were the Ibo, Mandingo, Ashanti, Yoruba, and Ewe—and each responded very differently, with various consequences, to white processes of enslavement.

Height and Decline of the Slave Trade.

According to Philip Curtin, a recent statistician of the "transatlantic" slave trade, the eighteenth century both represented the height of the trade and also marked the beginnings of its decline. As far as the practice of negotiations between African and European sellers and buyers was concerned, the trade was made possible by "middlemen." These were usually mixed-race in origin or lower-class whites, who traveled deep into the interior and bartered with local African peoples. The sale of weapons in exchange for slaves represented the preferred commodity of Africans, as these were needed to maintain the trade and to protect their communities from raids and incursions by illegal traders and kidnappers (many of them European). The slave trade stimulated divisions within Africa as European rivalry encouraged various nations to enslave, kidnap, or wage war on each other while—as part of its more prolonged legacy—it devastated indigenous populations and economic structures. From a European point of view, it greatly stimulated national wealth and laid the foundations for modern capitalism as, in particular, the financial infrastructures required by the slave trade inaugurated new systems of banking and insurance.

Throughout the period, the slave trade remained closely linked to advances in the sugar plantation system as, for example, major production areas were transferred from offshore African islands to northeastern Brazil by the mid-sixteenth century. As the arrival of the first Africans in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1619 attests, slave populations working tobacco crops in the British colonies of Virginia and Maryland, as well as rice plantations in the Carolinas of mainland North America, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, could only be sustained by the transatlantic slave trade.

The major reasons for the need of a trade in slaves on such a scale can be traced to the much smaller populations of the Americas in comparison with those of the Old World. For white immigrants (including paupers, criminals, and some kidnapped children) who arrived in the seventeenth and eighteenth century as indentured servants, the conditions were so harsh that they were unable, and in many cases refused, to fulfill the existing labor market; they frequently opposed the renewal of their contracts or simply died out.

While the first Africans who were imported to the Americas were described somewhat euphemistically as "apprentices for life," as labor demands increased and racist rhetoric became more deeply entrenched in everyday life,

they acquired an unambiguous "chattel" status. It was not long before slavery in the Americas operated according to, and was legitimated by, white racist discourses of "natural black inferiority." Proponents of slavery ideology, including such prominent nineteenth-century figures as John C. Calhoun and even Thomas Jefferson, argued that slavery (or the "peculiar institution," as it became known in North America) served a "civilizing" and "christianizing" process (the Portuguese were well known for the baptism of their slaves) by educating the "heathen" and "barbarous" African while instilling both discipline and a religious sensibility. Thus, Europeans and Euro-Americans did not try to impose slavery on the poor, on victims of war, or on those imprisoned for crimes in their own continent. Instead, they undertook extremely expensive and hazardous journeys in merchant ships to buy peoples from the African coast.

In addition to their being subject to racist definitions of cultural differences, Africans were selected for other reasons, including the widespread belief that they were better able to withstand the climate and disease; however, it is unlikely that many Africans outlived Europeans in plantation areas of the Americas. One historian has commented perceptively that the "African slave trade appears rooted as much in cultural perceptions and social norms as in economic and demographic imperatives."

The slave trade's contribution to European and American understanding of Africans as "property" with "no rights that they were bound to respect" left behind a legacy that has continued well into the twentieth century, arguably undergirding the racial politics of the civil rights movement in North America and continuing to shape the contemporary debates concerning reparations for slavery. Despite early problems, the slave trade was enormously financially successful: Britain's colonial status was fueled by wealth from tobacco and sugar plantations in both the West Indies and mainland North America as ports in London, Liverpool, and Bristol prospered, ushering in a modern age dominated by a "plantocracy" of elite slave owners or "absentee" landlords with "interests" (rarely specified) abroad. The later transatlantic slave trade complemented earlier trans-Saharan practices, which had traded primarily in men, by its demographic diversity. European traders preferred male slaves; however, despite popular belief, on the slave ships men were outnumbered by women and children, who were exported in unprecedented numbers and to such an extent that, by the end of the period, the largest numbers of slaves were children. The numbers of human beings involved are staggering: both when considered by themselves and even more so when placed within a context of earlier slave-trading practices. For example, over the course of some twelve centuries, three and a half to four million slaves crossed the Sahara in the trans-Saharan trade of Arabic origins. However, in the transatlantic trade, which lasted less than half that time, a "conservative estimate" (which significantly neglects to consider the recent statistics of Afrocentric historians) suggests that as many as twelve million (ten and a half million surviving) were transported out of Africa between the mid-fourteenth century and 1867, when a final slave ship arrived in Cuba with its human cargo (it is likely that the last cargoes landed as lately as 1880).

Statistics are almost impossible to verify but research suggests that, by the early nineteenth century, for every European who crossed the Atlantic, two Africans were exported. Approximately one-half of the total number of Africans shipped in the eighteenth century, and onequarter in the nineteenth, was sent to the Americas. A little-discussed subject concerns the mortality rate among slaves (for which statistics are not known) who died in the African interior. By far the greatest "bulk" of captives for sale had traveled far across the continent, in some cases as many as "a thousand miles," previous to their departure at the Atlantic coast.

European Character and Intervention.

The slave trade was primarily European in character, as among those profiting in the trade were Spain, Portugal, Britain, France, and Holland; they were later seconded by Swedish, Danish, and North American participants. Much earlier—in the thirteenth century—Italy had also played an important role in the human trade; bronze sculptures dating from the medieval period and representing shackled Africans can still be found in Venice. While slavery did exist in Africa before 1400 (slaves were traded largely as the result of internal raids and wars for "domestic" purposes), European intervention changed the face of indigenous slavery as it became systematized and organized to a previously unimaginable extent. The slave trade was.

operated internationally and combined the economic interests of the Americas, Britain, and continental Europe as it simultaneously exacerbated and contributed to the impoverishment of western Africa. European dominance in the slave trade also encouraged slavery within Africa itself—especially the enslavement of women—and fomented dissensions across and within different African societies while stimulating war and kidnapping between various traders as they represented conflicting national interests.

European intervention into African slavery revolutionized existing systems and internal trading patterns as slave ships participated in the "triangular" trade between Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Slave captains took manufactured goods (rum, textiles, weapons) to Africa, which they exchanged for slaves whom they then sold in the Americas in return for raw materials such as sugar, tobacco, and later cotton, which they then brought back to Europe, completing the triangle. In the early period of the slave trade, Europeans built medieval forts such as Elmina Castle, a Portuguese stronghold that later fell to the British and that survived as a tourist attraction until the twenty-first century. These castles functioned as "barracoons" where slaves were held under horrendous conditions until they were loaded on ships bound for the Americas. Initially Europeans took slaves to the Iberian Peninsula, Madeira, the Canaries, and São Tomé; they were moved from one part of the African coast to the other before they were transported to the Americas. Throughout a four-hundred-year period, slaves were exported from western Africa to Brazil, the Caribbean Islands, Greater Antilles, and North America. Regardless of the fluctuations in trading routes and agreements throughout this period, one factor remained constant: the cost of slaves increased and profits soared.

What was the likely destination for slaves from Africa who made the transatlantic voyage? Brazil and the Caribbean took as much as 90 percent of the slaves—where upon arrival they underwent a process of "seasoning," which even fewer survived—while the American colonies took as little as 8 percent. Within the Caribbean and Central America, Spain dominated the early trade, while Britain, due to its improvements in maritime technology, gained prominence between the mid-seventeenth and mid-eighteenth centuries. Following the abolition of the slave trade by Britain and the United States in 1807 (full emancipation was not to be awarded in the British colonies until 1834, while the Thirteenth Amendment to the U. S. Constitution abolished slavery much later, in 1863), nine-tenths of slaves were taken to Cuba and Brazil. After the above legislation, many illegal voyages took place with paradoxically greater human suffering, as they were forced to operate clandestinely. By far the most important reason for exporting slaves was sugar cultivation; by comparison, tobacco, rice, coffee growing, and mining for precious metals accounted for less than 20 percent of Africans.

Despite popular opinion, the "booming" production of cotton depended not on the transatlantic slave trade.

but on the nineteenth-century internal slave trade, which operated from east to west, north to south, and which was made possible only by an expanding black population. This trade brought with it its own horrors, including not only the separation of slave families and suffering under brutal conditions on remote plantations, but also the kidnapping of free blacks into slavery and the wholesale exploitation of the black female slave for "breeding" purposes. In 1790, there were approximately 697,897 slaves in North America as compared to 3,953,760 in 1860, all of whom were indigenous rather than imported.

Slave Resistance and the Abolitionist Movement.

Throughout the years of slavery in the Americas, slave resistance played a fundamental role and contributed to the abolition both of the slave trade and slavery as an institution. The earliest recorded slave uprising took place in 1494 as slaves protested Columbus's policy of enslavement in the Caribbean. The methods of slave rebellion were various and ranged from day-to-day resistance (sabotage of machinery, dissembling to avoid work) to escapes involving large numbers of runaways and the establishment of maroon communities. Slaves on the mainland also spearheaded organized revolts such as those led by the black preachers Denmark Vesey (North Carolina, 1822) and Nat Turner (Virginia, 1831). Contrary to earlier scholarship documenting the slave trade, certain areas of the Americas repeatedly drew on particular parts of Africa, so that many more African cultural and social practices have survived than had been previously supposed.

Often compared by historians to the Holocaust, the transatlantic slave trade and the extent to which it legitimized and endorsed the mass enforced migration of enslaved peoples nevertheless remains unparalleled in human history. The full extent of the horrors of the "Middle Passage," by which the transportation of slaves from Africa to the Americas is known, will forever remain insufficiently realized or understood. However, it can be said that this journey was characterized, as a minimum, by annual average losses of between 10 and 20 percent during the six-to-fourteen-week voyage. These deaths were due to dehydration from gastrointestinal disease (known as the "bloody flux") caused by unhygienic conditions in slave ship holds, over-tight "packing" as the slaves were placed close together like "books upon a shelf," and epidemics of smallpox. Life aboard the slave ships was relentlessly oppressive: slaves were chained together, unable to exercise, fed from communal bowls, and provided with minimal sanitation. They suffered from the whites' brutality (including severe whippings and the rape of slave women), starvation in some cases (as supplies ran out), disease, and severe psychological trauma (many of them remained chained throughout the journey to those who had died).

The slave-trader-turned-abolitionist-and-preacher, John Newton, as well as the former slave, Olaudah Equiano, provide moving testimony concerning its perpetual terrors during the eighteenth century and after in their written accounts of the slave trade. John Newton described this "unhappy and disgraceful" trade as contradictory to the "feelings of humanity" and as the "stain of our national character." Captured and placed upon a slave ship, Equiano testified to personal "horror and anguish"; he wrote in 1789: "I saw a multitude of black people of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow." Each slave ship was designed to hold an average of 330 slaves, although this number was regularly doubled. This is made clear in the notorious case of the Liverpool slaver, the Brookes, which is known to have carried as many as 609 slaves on a single voyage. In the eighteenth century, British abolitionist Thomas Clarkson took a plan of this ship (including the illustrations of how the slaves were to be "stowed") to Paris, where a small model was made of it which was used to convert European opinion to antislavery activism. Faced with these conditions and nothing to lose, slave resistance aboard ships was frequent: they refused to eat so that implements had to be devised for force-feeding; they committed suicide in the mythical hope of their soul being freed upon death so that they could "return to Africa" (captains cut off their heads and returned their headless bodies to Africa as proof to others that even in death they were enslaved); and they led slave revolts against the white crews—some of which were successful, including those aboard the Amistad (1839) and the Creole (1841). Resistance was hardly an issue, however, in one of the most notorious examples of cruelty toward slaves ever recorded, which happened aboard the Liverpool-owned slave ship the Zong (1783). The slave captain decided that, in view of their unhealthy status, it would be more profitable to throw his 131 slaves overboard and submit an insurance claim for their loss than to treat them.

The slaves' prospects hardly improved upon their arrival in the Americas; as many as one-third of Africans died within four years of landing, and few survived the "seasoning" process, as they were unable to adjust to the vast changes in climate, culture, and living conditions. In addition to the slaves placed in the holds, large numbers occupied the slightly more fortunate position of working aboard ships as sailors, interpreters, bookkeepers, and cooks (the latter, with their proximity to knives, are historically related to slave revolts).

Paradoxically, however, it was the suffering of white crews—condemned by contemporaries as the "rapid loss of seamen"—which marked the beginning of the campaign for the abolition of the slave trade. While this is a subject for ongoing debate, it seems clear that the slave trade did not die out solely due to economic losses but as a direct result of a number of forces, not least of which included the escalating acts of successful slave resistance—most notably the Haitian Revolution (1794), as well as the American, British, and French abolitionist movements. In its enduring effects for British, French, and Dutch economies, among others, the European-engineered slave trade—described by one historian as a "corrosive commercial and human virus"—encouraged the expansion of merchant shipping, provided a market for goods produced by new industries, and supplied the capital to fund the British Industrial Revolution. Thus, steel products from Sheffield, England, for example, such as hoes and knives, equipped slaves with tools for their labor on plantations in the Americas. By comparison, following the abolition of the slave trade, almost all African regions that had participated in the trade experienced severe financial losses, which continued to have a profound and nefarious impact upon the economic stability of the continent well into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

Despite all the efforts of European and North American slave traders to suppress slave culture, enslaved Africans in the Americas nonetheless had the final word, as they developed vast networks across communities. These resulted in rich "creole" cultures and languages as well as an inspirational legacy of art, music, literature, and history the full extent of which remains to be explored.

BIBLIOGRAFIA.

Curtin, Philip D. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969.

Engerman, Stanley, Seymour Drescher, and Robert Paquette, eds. Oxford Readers: Slavery. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano Written by Himself. 1789. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1995.

Mannix, Daniel P., and Malcolm Cowley. Black Cargoes: A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1518–1865. New York: Viking, 1962.

Newton, John. Thoughts upon the African Slave Trade. London: J. Buckland and J. Johnson, 1788.

Rawley, James A . The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History. New York: Norton, 1981.

Walvin, James. Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery. London: Fontana, 1992.

Wood, Marcus. Blind Memory: Visual Representations of Slavery in England and America, 1780–1865. Manchester, U. K.: Manchester University Press, 2000.

See also Middle Passage ; and vol. 9: Voyages of the Slaver St. John ; Spanish Colonial Official's Account of Triangular Trade with England .

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Slave Trade.

COPYRIGHT 2008 Thomson Gale.

Slave Trade.

The history of most modern societies has involved, in some form or fashion, the use of coerced labor, including the institution of slavery and the exploitation of slave labor. And where slavery existed ‘ defined as a system in which the production process is carried out by human beings owned by other human beings ‘ a mechanism for supplying slaves was necessary. This mechanism is called the slave trade. While slavery and the slave trade as concepts and as practices have an ancient pedigree and global itineraries, their relationship to the history, practices, and realities of modern societies continues to stir considerable concern and controversy. The tools of historians must be combined with tools and insights from economics, political science, and other social sciences to explore how empirical data and theoretical debates have animated our understanding of the slave trade ’ s global history, especially the transatlantic slave trade.

Slavery was commonplace in many ancient societies, including Greece, Rome, and Egypt. Slaves were forced to work in almost all sectors ‘ agriculture, mining, domestic service, and even as gladiators and soldiers. Many of these slaves were captured in war, but formal mechanisms to supply slaves were also well established. Rome drew its slaves from all over its expanding empire, for example, and at one point there were as many slaves as there were Roman citizens. The slave trade was also a prominent feature of medieval societies, with Africans being enslaved and shipped to the Muslim world across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean. Scholars have estimated that as many as 19 million people from sub-Saharan Africa were shipped to the Muslim world between 650 and 1890.

Until the fifteenth century, the major destination for the slave trade was the Muslim world, with slaves coming from Africa and from Europe. In fact, the word slave is derived from the word slav , the name for a large ethnic and linguistic group residing in eastern and southeastern Europe, including Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Bulgarians, and others. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Africa became the major source of slaves, and the international slave trade was dominated by Portugal, reflecting the development of European colonies in the Americas that needed labor. In the seventeenth century, Britain emerged as the largest carrier of slaves.

THE NUMBERS.

There have been three waves of estimates regarding the numbers of Africans who were traded as commodities in the slave trade across the Atlantic Ocean. The first wave included estimates ventured by scholars who repeated earlier numbers gleaned mainly from popular writing and not based on systematic analysis ‘ W. E. B. Du Bois ’ s approximation of 100,000,000 Africans lost to the slave trade was a prime example. Such estimates were the main target of Phillip Curtin ’ s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (1969), one of the pioneering studies seeking to provide more accurate numbers. The second wave of estimates, to which Curtin contributed, was based on more extensive compilation and synthesis of available data and estimates using statistical inferences based on population changes in importing countries, but not on research into original sources. Curtin provided an estimate of 9,566,100 Africans between 1451 and 1870, concluding provocatively that it was unlikely that new scholarship would alter his estimate by a number greater than 10 percent. Noel Deerr ’ s The History of Sugar (1949-1950) was an earlier representative of this tradition extended but not initiated by Curtin ’ s census. The major impact of Curtin ’ s work was not its originality but its method, comprehensiveness, and timing, appearing at a time when concerns over race and race relations were mounting, and drastically lower estimates of the number of Africans traded were bound to provoke controversy.

Joseph Inikori (1976, 1982) provided one of the earliest critiques of these census efforts. He pointed to his own research and synthesized the work of other scholars as the basis for concluding that Curtin ’ s estimate required a 40 percent upward adjustment. Most important was his discovery of new shipping data that provided more accurate numbers of slaves carried. Beyond confirming that all such estimates are far from complete or final, the continuing debate underscores the centrality of intellectual history in exploring heated disagreements in historical interpretation where perspectives are shaped by the dynamics of color, class, nationality, morality, disciplinary paradigms, ideological orientations, and claims about objectivity.

A third wave is represented by scholars who have compiled the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database (TSTD), sponsored by Harvard University ’ s Du Bois Institute and published in 1999. With data on more than 27,000 slave voyages, TSTD concluded that 11,062,000 Africans were transported from Africa between 1519 and 1867, with 9.6 million landing in the Americas, figures not substantially different from Curtin ’ s. More than half were carried between 1700 and 1799, and about 30 percent after the abolition of the slave trade by Great Britain and the United States in 1807. Beginning with Prince Henry ’ s traders in 1441, Portugal was the major carrier in the trade involving Africans, and 75 percent of all slaves were carried by the Portuguese in the first 150 years of the trade. Overall, however, British citizens transported 46 percent of all Africans, followed by the Portuguese (29.1%), France (13.2%), Spain (4.8%), the Netherlands (4.7%), and Denmark (1%). Only 2.5 percent of all slaves were transported by slave merchants based in the United States and British Caribbean. Up until 1820, more Africans were transported across the Atlantic than Europeans ‘ 8.4 million Africans to 2.4 million Europeans.

TSTD enables more detailed attention to the geographical distribution of the origins and destinations of enslaved Africans and the resulting demographic and cultural shape of the “ diaspora ” in which Africans were dispersed or scattered. Almost 45 percent of all slaves came from the West African coast that is today Ghana, Togo, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Benin, and parts of Nigeria, for example. As destinations, 41 percent of enslaved Africans were shipped to present-day Brazil, 27 percent to British America, 11 percent to French territories, and 13 percent to Spanish territories. And there was method in the madness, with European slave traders and slave-purchasing areas in the Americas showing preference for Africans from particular regions (e. g., rice-growing South Carolina preferred slaves from Gambia and rice-growing regions of West Africa).

There have also been substantial updates to TSTD, bearing out earlier and unwelcome insistence that all such estimates were only provisional. A new revised TSTD now includes over 34,000 slaving voyages. It recognizes “ major gaps ” in the 1999 database, especially with regard to the early history of the slave trade and that of Brazil, the largest importing nation. It adds 7,000 new voyages and provides additional information on more than 10,000 voyages in the 1999 database.

POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Political economy generally denotes an approach that focuses on the relationship of economic activity ‘ trade and commerce as well as production ‘ and their interrelationships with the activities of government, politics, and the broader society. To paraphrase Adam Smith ’ s 1776 title for his pioneering volume in this tradition, the slave trade and slavery ’ s contribution to “ the wealth [and poverty] of nations ” was critical. This line of thinking was continued in the next century by Karl Marx, who pondered in Vol. 1 of Capital, “ the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of Black skins ” as an initial source for early investment in capitalist production. The approach is also closely related to Walter Rodney ’ s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1974) and similar discussions by such scholars as J. M. Blaut (1992, p. 206) of “ the role played by colonialism in industrial production. & # x201D;

Meeting the need for labor in the Americas was essential if European nations were to realize the goals of mercantilism ‘ favorable trade balance, increased amounts of precious metals, and the like. Therefore, beyond the issue of how many Africans were taken from the continent into slavery in the Americas ‘ especially the horrendous treatment during the middle passage between Africa and the Americas ‘ and who played what role in enslaving them, is the need to understand the contribution of African labor to wealth production in the various nations that were carriers of slaves and beneficiaries from the economic productivity of slave labor.

Expectedly, sharp differences have emerged as well over this area, generally termed “ profitability ” of the slave trade, an assessment dependent in part on calculations of the number of slaves traded. For example, Roger Anstey (1975) suggested 9.6 percent as the rate of profit in the British slave trade between 1761 and 1897, calculating profits by using data on the number of slaves landed, slave prices, and other data on cost and revenue. Inikori (1976) provided evidence pointing to underestimations in the number of slaves landed in the West Indies and the average price for which slaves were sold. William Darity (1985) used these corrected figures to demonstrate a plausible increase in the rate of profits from 9.6 percent to 30.8 percent, a figure consistent with the conclusion of Eric Williams in Capitalism and Slavery (1944).

Efforts to calculate the contribution of the slave trade to economic development became more controversial when prominent scholars concluded that profits from the slave trade were not large enough to make a significant contribution to British industrialization, a view that diverged from the long-held conventional wisdom about the impact of what had been called “ the triangular trade ” (Anstey 1975; Engerman 1972; Davis 1984, p. 73). Darity (1990), Barbara Solow (1991), and others highlighted the impact that different definitions, theoretical assumptions and economic models can have in calculating rates of profits, concluding that the slave trade was a relatively important source of industrial capital. Moreover, Ronald Bailey (1986, 1990) has given the term “ slave(ry) trade ” & # x2018; activities related both to the slave trade and slavery and closer to the “ multiplier effect ” concept used by some economists ‘ as the source of profits that should be utilized in calculating contributions to industrialization and not just profits from buying and selling slaves. Substituting profits from the Caribbean trade in place of profits solely from the sale of slaves, he concluded that enough profits could have been generated to finance the British industrial revolution several times over. (As an additional example, the 7,000 new voyages added to the 1999 TSTD database discussed above requires a recalculation of the slave trade ’ s impact on the expansion of the ship-building and shipping industry.)

In this approach, this contribution from the “ slave(ry) trade ” would include the important role and economic significance of agricultural crops produced by slave labor in the colonies, including sugar, tobacco, rice, coffee, and cotton, as well as profits generated in related shipping, banking and insurance, and manufacturing, a central thesis in Williams ’ s Capitalism and Slavery and argued by Inikori (2002). Importantly, this approach facilitates a sharper focus on the role of slavery and the slave trade in U. S. history, an emphasis admirably treated, for example, by Du Bois (1896) and in the chapter on “ Black Merchandise ” in Lorenzo Greene ’ s The Negro in Colonial New England (1942).

MORALITY OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

Ships in the transatlantic slave trade rarely carried Europeans and were rarely owned and operated by Africans. This color/race and class dynamic helps to explain why the controversy over the slave trade provokes sharp debates over morality and ethics. It is so potent because modern capitalist nations, which early prohibited the enslavement of Europeans, were the world ’ s leaders in the enslavement and trade of Africans, a legacy related to both poverty and racism that hovers over world history and the history of many nations and peoples. Even more perplexing, the slave trade and slavery were consolidated and expanded at the same time as the rise of the progressive transatlantic philosophical movement called the Enlightenment in the late eighteenth century, and such practices were enshrined and extended, not abolished, by the American Revolution and the U. S. Constitution. Edmund S. Morgan, a scholar of early America, was provoked to probe the paradoxical marriage of convenience he called “ American slavery/American freedom. & # x201D;

Ideas about abolition surfaced as early as the late 1600s with the work of the Quakers and other religious groups, but it was not until 1807 that legislation to end the slave trade was enacted in Great Britain and in the United States. It was another eighty years before such practices were finally outlawed by all of the nations whose citizens had been involved as slavers and beneficiaries of slavery. Scholarly debates regarding the root causes of abolition and the slow unfolding of its success have been as intense as those regarding the causes and consequences of slavery and the slave trade, with some scholars emphasizing humanitarian motives and others stressing economic and political dynamics. That the system of U. S. slavery that fueled the transatlantic slave trade necessitated for its abolition a civil war resulting in the deaths of more than 620,000 people will guarantee that discussion and debate will continue in the decades to come.

Two hundred years after the 1807 abolition of the slave trade in Great Britain and the implementation of a similar measure in the U. S. Constitution, the slave trade continues to rest uncomfortably in scholarship and in social memory. In recent times, the controversy has taken the form of calls for and debates over apologies for participation in the slave trade and slavery, and over the payment of some form of “ reparations ” similar to what was provided to Jews and other victims of the Holocaust and to U. S. citizens of Japanese ancestry incarcerated in World War II camps. And there are growing contemporary movements to grapple with new forms of slavery, poverty, and economic coercion in a deepening globalized economy. Research, thinking, and writing about the history of the slave trade should provide a solid foundation for understanding and acting in the present and future.

SEE ALSO Caribbean, The; Cotton Industry; Du Bois, W. E. B.; Engerman, Stanley; Holocaust, The; Immigrants to North America; Incarceration, Japanese American; Inikori, Joseph; James, C. L. R.; Jews; Marx, Karl; Mercantilism; Plantation; Race; Racism; Rodney, Walter; Roma, The; Slave-Gun Cycle; Slavery; Slavery Industry; Smith, Adam; Sugar Industry; White Supremacy; Williams, Eric; Segunda Guerra Mundial.

BIBLIOGRAFIA.

Anstey, Roger. 1975. The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760-1810 . Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.

Bailey, Ronald W. 1986. Africa, the Slave Trade, and the Rise of Industrial Capitalism in Europe and the United States: A Historiographic Review. American History: A Bibliographic Review 2: 1-91.

Bailey, Ronald W. 1990. The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England. Social Science History 14 (3): 373-414; reprinted in Stanley Engerman and Joseph Inikori. The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economics, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe . Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 1992.

Blaut, J. M. 1992. The Colonizer ’ s Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History . Nova Iorque: Guilford.

Curtin, Phillip. 1969. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census . Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Darity, William, Jr. 1985. The Numbers Game and the Profitability of the British Trade in Slaves. Journal of Economic History 45 (3): 693-703.

Darity, William, Jr. 1990. British Industry and the West Indies Plantations. Social Science History 14 (1): 117-149.

Davis, David Brion. 1984. Slavery and Human Progress . Nova York: Oxford University Press.

Deerr, Noel. 1949-1950. The History of Sugar . 2 vols. Londres: Chapman e Hall.

Drake, St. Clair. 1987-1990. Black Folk Here and There: An Essay in History and Anthropology . 2 vols. Los Angeles: University of California Center for Afro-American Studies.

Du Bois, W. E. B. 1896 [1999]. Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America . Mineola, NY: Dover.

Eltis, David. 2001. The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment. William and Mary Quarterly , 3rd Ser., 58: 17-46.

Eltis, David, Stephen D. Behrendt, David Richardson, and Herbert S. Klein. 1999. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM . Cambridge, U. K., and New York: Cambridge University Press. The revised database, released February 2007, was sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council and is accessible at dataarchive. ac. uk.

Engerman, Stanley. 1972. The Slave Trade and British Capital Formation in the Eighteenth Century: A Comment on the Williams Thesis. Business History Review 46: 430-443.

Greene, Lorenzo. 1942. The Negro in Colonial New England, 1620-1776 . New York: Columbia University Press.

Inikori, Joseph. 1976. Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade: An Assessment of Curtin and Anstey. Journal of African History 17: 197-223.

Inikori, Joseph, ed. 1982. Forced Migration : The Impact of the Export Slave Trade on African Societies . New York: Africana Publishing.

Inikori, Joseph. 2002. Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Rodney, Walter. 1974. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa . Washington, DC: Howard University Press.

Solow, Barbara, ed. 1991. Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System. Cambridge, U. K., and New York: Cambridge University Press.

Thomas, Hugh. 1997. The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870 . New York: Simon and Schuster.

Williams, Eric. 1944. Capitalism and Slavery . Chapel Hill: imprensa da Universidade da Carolina do Norte.

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Slave Trade.

COPYRIGHT 2004 The Gale Group, Inc.

SLAVE TRADE.

The buying and selling of humans for servitude was an old tradition in the Middle East as in many other parts of the world.

Since antiquity, slavery was an integral part of the various societies that inhabited the Middle East. Men, women, and children were enslaved within these lands or imported into them from neighboring and faraway regions. From the early sixteenth to the early twentieth centuries, the Middle East was part of the Ottoman Empire, in which slavery was legal and the slave trade active. The traffic in slaves was substantially reduced toward the end of the nineteenth century, and slavery died out in most of the Middle East during the first decade of the twentieth. In certain parts of Arabia, the practice lingered on well into the second half of this century, and various forms of slavery continue to exist even today.

"Slavery" in Middle Eastern ‘ and other ‘ societies can be difficult to define. Some attempts to answer the question "who is a slave?" have resulted in "one whose labor is controlled and whose freedom is withheld," a person "in a state of legal and actual servility or [who is] of slave origins," or a "natally alienated and generally dishonored person" under "permanent, violent domination." In Islamic legal terms, slavery grants one person ownership over another person, which means that the owner has rights to the slave's labor, property, and sexuality and that the slave's freedoms are severely restricted. But in sociocultural terms, slavery sometimes meant high social status, or political power, for male slaves in the military and bureaucracy (Mamluks and kuls ) and female slaves in elite harems. Even ordinary domestic slaves were often better fed, clothed, and protected than many free men and women. In any event, slavery was an important, albeit involuntary, channel of recruitment and socialization into the elite and a major ‘ though forced ‘ means of linking into patronage networks.

Slavery gradually became a differentiated and broadly defined concept in many Islamic societies since the introduction of military slaves into the Abbasid Caliphate in the ninth century. In the Ottoman Empire, military-administrative servitude, better known as the kul system, coexisted with other types of slavery: harem (quite different from Western fantasy), domestic, and agricultural (on a rather limited scale). While the latter types of slavery remained much the same until late in the nineteenth century, the kul system underwent profound changes.

From its inception, the kul system was nourished on periodical levies of the unmarried, able-bodied, male children of the sultan's Orthodox Christian subjects, mostly from the Balkans. This child levy was known as the dev ş irme. The children were reduced to slavery, converted to Islam, and rigorously socialized at the palace school into various government roles, carrying elite status. However, freeborn Muslims gradually entered government service, and the kul system evolved to accommodate this change. Ultimately, the child levy was abandoned during the seventeenth century, the palace school lost its monopoly on the reproduction of military-administrative slaves, and a new, kul - type recruitment-cum-socialization pattern came to prevail.

With the evolution of the kul system, the classification of kuls as slaves was gradually becoming irrelevant. Ottoman officials of kul origins and training held elevated, powerful positions with all rights, privileges, and honors, and cases in which the sultan confiscated their property or took their life became increasingly rare. Whereas kuls and non - kuls were subject to the sultan's "whims" to the same extent, the intimacy and mutual reliance of the master-slave relationship often provided the kul with greater protection than that enjoyed by free officials. Harem women of slave origins were in much the same predicament, playing a major role in the reproduction of the Ottoman elite. Toward the nineteenth century, the servility of persons in the kul /harem category becomes more a symbol of their high status and less a practical or legal disability. All that has led some scholars to question the very use of the term "slaves" for such men and women. In any event, the Hatt-i Serif of G ü lhane of 1839 freed government officials from the last vestiges of servility attached to their status.

In the Ottoman Middle East, and with local modifications also in other Muslim societies, there was a continuum of various degrees of servility rather than a dichotomy between slave and free. At one end of that continuum were domestic and agricultural slaves, the "real slaves" in Ottoman society, while at the other were officeholders in the army and bureaucracy, with little to tie them to actual slavery. In between, but close to officeholders and far from domestic and agricultural slaves, came officials of slave origins ( kul - type) and then harem ladies of slave origins.

The overwhelming majority of the slaves living in the Middle East during the Ottoman period were female, black, and domestic; they served in menial jobs in households across a broad social spectrum. A smaller number of white female slaves also worked in similar circumstances, as did a number of black and white male slaves. African male slaves were employed in the Red Sea, Persian/Arabian Gulf, and Indian Ocean as pearl divers, oarsmen, and crew members in sailboats, in Arabia as agricultural laborers (in date, coffee, and other plantations) and outdoor servants, and in Egypt as cotton pickers in the 1860s. African men were used as soldiers in scattered instances in Yemen and other parts of Arabia, as in Egypt where the experiment of Muhammad Ali Pasha to recruit Sudanese slave soldiers failed. Kul and harem slaves were a relatively small minority among Middle Eastern slaves in the nineteenth century.

At the time, a fairly steady stream of about eleven thousand to thirteen thousand slaves per year entered the region from central Africa and the Sudan, from western Ethiopia, and from Circassia, Abkhazia, and Georgia. They were brought in by caravan and boat via the Sahara desert routes, the Ethiopian plateau, the Red Sea, the Nile river valley, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, the Black Sea, and the pilgrimage routes to and from Arabia. After raids, sales, and resales, they reached their final destinations in the great urban centers of the Middle East, where they were sold in markets or in private homes of slave dealers.

Whereas slaveholding was still legal at the beginning of the twentieth century, the slave trade into the region had already been prohibited by law for several decades. The traffic in Africans and Caucasians practically died down, although it would pick up from time to time on a small scale. Slavery was gradually being transformed into free forms of service-cum-patronage, such as raising freeborn children (mostly female) in the household, socializing them into lower - or upper-class roles ‘ as talent and need determined ‘ and later marrying them off and setting them up in life. Ottoman elite culture was articulating a negative attitude toward the practice and gradually disengaging from it on moral grounds. This was a significant development, given the fact that slavery enjoyed Islamic legitimacy and wide social acceptance in the Middle East and that, except for cases of cruelty and ill-usage, it was a matter over which no serious moral debate ever arose.

The profound change that occurred was part of a major reform program introduced into the Middle East during the nineteenth century. Much of this happened during the Tanzimat (loosely covering the 1830s to the 1880s), generally regarded as a period of change in many areas of Ottoman life, although it is not certain how deeply the reforms affected the over-whelming majority of the population or even the peripheral groups within the Ottoman elite. Visible changes in the army, the bureaucracy, the economy, law and justice, education, communication, transportation, and public health went along with the reinvigoration of central authority. This was the work of a strongly motivated, Ottoman-centered group of reformers, who implemented their own program and political agenda and were not merely the tools of Western influence. While the government came to possess more efficient means of repression, its reforms also sowed the seeds of political change, giving rise to a strong constitutional movement, although the extent to which Western ideas ‘ not just technology and fashion ‘ were assimilated into Middle Eastern culture is still under debate.

Having abolished slavery by the end of the first third of the nineteenth century, the powers of Europe now turned their zeal to slavery in the Americas. But in the 1840s, the British government and public opinion were already beginning to take an interest in the abolition of slavery in the Ottoman Middle East. Attempts to induce Istanbul to adopt measures to that effect soon proved futile. Instead ‘ and as an alternative method that would ultimately choke slavery for want of supply ‘ a major effort was launched to suppress the slave trade into the region. The essence of that long-term British drive was to extract from the Ottomans, on humanitarian grounds, edicts forbidding the trade in Africans and Caucasians. The implementation of such edicts was then carefully monitored by British diplomatic and commercial representatives throughout the Middle East and reported back to London. In turn, London would press Istanbul to enforce the edicts, and so on.

This pattern yielded the prohibition of the slave trade in the Gulf in 1847, the temporary prohibition of the traffic in Circassians and Georgians in 1854 ‘ 1855, the general prohibition of the African slave trade in 1857, the Anglo-Egyptian convention for the suppression of the slave trade in 1877, and the Anglo-Ottoman one in 1880. The campaign reached its climax in the Brussels Act against the slave trade, which the Ottoman government signed in 1890. From the mid-1850s onward, Caucasian slavery and slave trade were excluded from the realm of Anglo-Ottoman relations. In that area, the Ottomans initiated some major changes, acting alone and according to their own views.

One of the most important factors that shaped Ottoman policy toward Caucasian slavery was the large number of Circassian refugees ‘ estimates run from 500,000 to 1 million ‘ who entered Ottoman territory from the mid-1850s to the mid-1860s. That Russian-forced migration contained about 10 percent unfree agricultural population, which put the question of non-African slavery into a different perspective. Increased tensions between refugee owners and slaves, at times causing violence and disturbance of public order, induced the Ottoman government in 1867 to design a special program for slaves who wished to obtain their freedom. Using an Islamic legal device, the government granted the slaves the land they were cultivating in order to purchase manu-mission from their own masters.

In 1882, the authorities moved further in the same method to facilitate the conscription of Circassian and Georgian slaves. Such a step was necessary because only free men could be drafted into the army. Measures were also taken from the mid-1860s onward to restrict the traffic in Circassian and Georgian children, mostly young girls. Thus, by the last decade of the nineteenth century, the trade in Caucasian slaves was considerably reduced. The remaining demand was maintained only by the harems of the imperial family and the households of well-to-do elite members. The imperial harem at the time contained about 400 women in a wide array of household positions quite different from those consigned to them by Western fantasy. Those harems also continued to employ eunuchs, and as late as 1903, the Ottoman family alone owned 194 of them. In the nineteenth century, a perceived decline occurred in their political influence, both as individuals and as a distinct corps in court politics. Whether officially abolished by the 1908 revolution, or only later by the new Turkish republic, Ottoman slavery died piecemeal, not abruptly, with the end of the empire.

Except for the issue of equality for non-Muslims, the call for the abolition of slavery was perhaps the most sensitive and culturally loaded topic processed in the Tanzimat period. Although it was rarely debated in the open, this was a matter of daily and personal concern, for both the public and private spheres of elite life were permeated by slaves on all levels. Faced with British diplomatic pressure to suppress the slave trade into the Middle East and with the zeal of Western abolitionism, Ottoman reformers and thinkers responded on both the political and the ideological planes. However, that response came when slavery was already on the wane, doomed to disappear with other obsolete institutions.

see also mamluks; tanzimat.

Bibliografia.

Baer, Gabriel. "Slavery and Its Abolition." In Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt, by Gabriel Baer. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969.

Lewis, Bernard. Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.

Peirce, Leslie P. The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Toledano, Ehud R. "The Imperial Eunuchs of Istanbul: From Africa to the Heart of Islam." Middle Eastern Studies 20, no. 3 (1984): 379 ‘ 390.

Toledano, Ehud R. "Ottoman Concepts of Slavery in the Period of Reform (1830s to 1880s)." In Breaking the Chains: Slavery, Bondage and Emancipation in Modern Africa and Asia, edited by Martin A. Klein. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993.

Toledano, Ehud R. The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression, 1840 ‘ 1890. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982.

Toledano, Ehud R. "Slave Dealers, Women, Pregnancy, and Abortion: The Story of a Circassian Slave-Girl in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Cairo." Slavery and Abolition 2, no. 1 (1980): 53 ‘ 68.

ehud r. toledano.

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Slave Mode of Production.

COPYRIGHT 2008 Thomson Gale.

Slave Mode of Production.

Although one of the least developed Marxist concepts, slave mode or organization of productive relations has spawned rich intellectual debate. There are four major lines of inquiry. Must the number of productive workers be the dominant form of labor? What is the significance of surplus extraction (profit through exploitation) in the organization of production, and how does it define a social formation? Is there one mode of production or several competing social formations at any one time? What was the historical evolution of the slave mode of production?

Although Karl Marx ’ s primary concern was with the historical evolution of capitalism, not pre-capitalist social formations, he occasionally referred to the slave mode of production. The German Ideology identified the first historical form of property as communal, containing within it familial and slave relations (1978, p. 151). The Communist Manifesto recognized three forms of class society: capitalist and proletarian during the bourgeois epoch, lord and serf during feudalism, and master and slave during antiquity (1978, p. 474). The Grundrisse described the second system of historical development as antiquity characterized by dynamic, urban, warlike conditions, with chattel-slave relations (1965, pp. 36, 71-75). Despite these references, Marx provided little conceptual explanation for the origins and nature of slavery. In contrast to his analysis of the conditions of modern capitalism, he gave little attention to the internal dynamic of the slave mode of production and how this mode rises out of past social formations and dissolves under new historical conditions.

SLAVES IN ANTIQUITY.

Unlike Marx, scholars of antiquity have long debated the nature of classical slavery. According to Moses Finley, slavery was insignificant both temporally and geographically in the Greco-Roman world. The dominant labor force produced under various degrees of “ unfreedom ” in a society with different relations of production. The key question, concludes Finley, is “ whether the relations of production were sufficiently different to preclude the inclusion of such societies within a single social formation in which the slave mode of production was dominant ” (1991, p. 496). On the one hand, Ellen Meiksins Wood argues that peasant-citizens rather than slaves constituted the productive basis of Athenian democracy and that forms of tenancy, leasing, and management, not slavery, formed the basis for surplus extraction (1988, pp. 64-82). Geoffrey E. M. de Ste. Croix agrees that non-slave producers accounted for the demographic majority during antiquity, but argues that the dominant form of exploitation was slavery because slaves provided the surplus extraction for a wealthy elite. According to Ste. Croix, Marx ’ s concentration on the distinctive feature of society “ is not the way in which the bulk of the labour of production is done, but how the extraction of surplus from the immediate producer is secured ” (1981, p. 52). It was slavery ’ s increase in surplus extraction that accounts for “ the magnificent achievements of Classical civilization ” (1981, p. 40). Perry Anderson agrees on the importance of slave surplus extraction during antiquity, although he argues that the imperial state played a more important role in organizing the actual process of extraction (1992, pp. 19-22).

Another key question concerns the historical evolution of ancient slavery into new social formations. Marx simply described the movement of “ progressive epochs in the economic formation of society ” (1978a, p. 5). In contrast, Ste. Croix explains that slavery as the most efficient form of surplus extraction was transformed once Roman frontiers stabilized and the number of war-supplied slaves trailed off. The consequence was increased slave-breeding as landowners sought to maintain their labor force. The crucial factor was female slave reproduction over slave production. To make up for the lost surplus, landowners extended exploitation to hitherto free laborers, with the result of the emergence of a uniform class of coloni whose rate of exploitation was down, but volume had expanded. Thus, the ancient world was destroyed by a social crisis from within and finished off by the so-called barbarians from without (1991, p. 503). Anderson agrees on the internal social crisis but pays equal attention to external factors. “ The dual predecessors of the feudal mode of production, ” he argues, “ were the decomposing slave mode of production on whose foundations the whole enormous edifice of the Roman Empire had once been constructed, and the distended and deformed primitive modes of production of the Germanic invaders ” (1974, pp. 18-19).

NEW WORLD SLAVES.

Although Marx ’ s own historical moment was dominated by the capitalist mode of production, slavery was not a peculiar institution in the mid-nineteenth century. When Marx was forty-two years old in 1860, there were about six million enslaved Africans in the New World, two-thirds of whom were imprisoned in the American South. Numerous scholars have debated this duality. Eugene Genovese argues that southern slavery was in conflict with capitalism and created a “ powerful and remarkable social class ” (1967, pp. 3 ‘ 4). In contrast, John Blassingame has focused upon slave non-productive relations, especially communal and cultural formations. Other scholars insist on the centrality of productive relations. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan insist that work “ engaged most slaves, most of the time ” (1993, p. 1). Still others insist on the exploitative nature of slavery and the role of surplus extraction. Eric Williams argued that slavery built up capitalism, while capitalism destroyed slavery. Robin Blackburn has recently argued that the profits from colonial slavery ’ s surplus extraction ‘ what he dubs “ extended primitive accumulation ” & # x2018; fueled Britain ’ s remarkable industrial takeoff. The passage from pre-modern to modern society was not that of the classic Marxist transformation of agrarian property relations, but rather “ exchanges with the slave plantations helped British capitalism to make a breakthrough to industrialism and global hegemony ahead of its rivals ” (1997, p. 572). Unlike economic arguments for the shift from antiquity to feudalism, political explanations for passages from slavery to modernity, especially slave revolts in the New World, have been persuasively made by W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, Robin Blackburn, and others.

SLAVES IN AFRICA.

The debates on slave surplus extraction, competing social formations, and historical evolution have been extended to Asia and Africa. Walter Rodney argues that there was no “ epoch of slavery ” in pre-fifteenth-century Africa because of the absence of “ perpetual exploitation. & # x201D; He prefers the notion of competing social formations to one mode of production with pre-colonial Africa in transition from communal agriculture to feudalism (1982, p. 38). Claude Meillassoux agrees that the absence of perpetual “ relations of exploitation and the exploiting class ” ensured there was no system of slavery in Africa and that there were several social formations (1991, pp. 36, 235). But he goes further. Slavery was not only a relationship of production, but also a “ mode of reproduction ” (1991, p. 324). In contrast to Ste. Croix ’ s argument for antiquity, this reproductive slavery had little to do with procreation and much more to do with the economy of theft through war, abduction, and brigandage (1991, pp. 76, 92). “ Wars of capture and markets, ” Meillassoux argues, “ had their counterpart in the sterility of the women slaves who, despite their sex and their numbers, were deprived of reproductive functions ” (1991, pp. 85, 278). Although John Thornton does not subscribe to Marxist concepts such as mode of production and surplus extraction, he does insist on the centrality of slavery to the continent ’ s historical development, and his argument has been quite influential. Specifically, ownership or control of labor (in contrast to land ownership in feudal Europe) was the dominant principle of property relations in African societies, and “ slavery was rooted in deep-seated legal and institutional structures of African societies ” (1998, p. 74). This view has been correctly criticized for downplaying the qualitative change wrought by the advent of the Atlantic slave trade.

Returning to the lines of inquiry above, there are some key points. The number of productive workers does not have to be dominant. This was as true of slaves in antiquity as of slaves in the New World. Surplus extraction is critical to particular social formations.

Slaves in antiquity and the New World helped build magnificent civilizations. Slavery is a modern as well as an ancient social formation. Kevin Bales counts twenty-seven million slaves today operating as part of the global economy (1999, p. 9). Slavery plays a role in the historical evolution of social formations in terms of both reproduction and production. There is no one passage from slavery into other social formations.

SEE ALSO Anderson, Perry; Capitalist Mode of Production; Conjunctures, Transitional; Du Bois, W. E. B.; Feudal Mode of Production; James, C. L. R.; Labor, Surplus: Marxist and Radical Economics; Marx, Karl; Marxismo; Mode of Production; Surplus.

BIBLIOGRAFIA.

Anderson, Perry. 1974. Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism . London: NLB.

Anderson, Perry. 1992. Geoffrey de Ste Croix and the Ancient World. In A Zone of Engagement , 1-24. London and New York: Verso.

Bales, Kevin. 1999. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy . Berkeley: University of California Press.

Berlin, Ira, and Philip D. Morgan, eds. 1993. Cultivation and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave Life in the America . Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.

Blackburn, Robin. 1988. The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848 . London and New York: Verso.

Blackburn, Robin. 1997. The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800 . London and New York: Verso.

Blassingame, John W. 1972. The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South . Nova York: Oxford University Press.

Du Bois, W. E. B. 1992. Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880 . New York: Atheneum. (Orig. pub. 1935.)

Finley, Moses I. 1991. “ Ancient Society ” and “ Slavery. & # x201D; A Dictionary of Marxist Thought , ed. Tom Bottomore. Oxford, U. K., and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.

Genovese, Eugene. 1967. The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South . New York: Vintage. (Orig. pub. 1961.)

James, C. L. R. 1963. The Black Jacobins: Toussaint Louverture and the San Domingo Revolution . Nova York: Random House.

Marx, Karl. 1965. Grundrisse. In Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations . Trans. Jack Cohen. Ed. Eric J. Hobsbawm. New York: International Publishers. (Orig. pub. 1941.)

Marx, Karl. 1978a. Communist Manifesto. In The Marx-Engels Reader , ed. Robert D. Tucker. New York: Norton. (Orig. pub. 1848.)

Marx, Karl. 1978b. German Ideology. In The Marx-Engels Reader , ed. Robert C. Tucker. New York: Norton. (Orig. pub. 1932.)

Meillassoux, Claude. 1991. The Anthropology of Slavery: The Womb of Iron and Gold . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Rodney, Walter. 1982. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa . Washington, DC: Howard University Press. (Orig. pub. 1972.)

Ste. Croix, G. E. M. de. 1981. The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World: From the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Thornton, John. 1998. Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 . Cambridge, U. K., and New York: Cambridge University Press.

Williams, Eric. 1944. Capitalism and Slavery . Chapel Hill: imprensa da Universidade da Carolina do Norte.

Wood, Ellen Meiksins. 1988. Peasant-Citizen and Slave: The Foundations of Athenian Democracy . London and New York: Verso.

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Slavery Industry.

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Slavery Industry.

The word industry (from the Latin industria , meaning “ diligent activity directed to some purpose ” ) generally refers to a combination of business operations related to a primary economic product or process. Hence, slavery industry refers to business activity related to the institution of slavery, including not just the process of supplying slaves but also the relationship of slavery-related activity to linked activity in manufacturing, agricultural production, commerce, shipping, and financial institutions. The main issue involves exploring whether Africa, the slave trade, and slavery-related economic activity ‘ conventionally characterized as the triangular trade or what Ronald Bailey (1992) calls the slave(ry) trade ‘ was important to the development of commerce and industry in Europe, especially Great Britain, and the United States.

An estimate of the numbers of Africans taken as slaves was produced by Harvard University ’ s Transatlantic Slave Trade Database in 1999. It provided up to 226 pieces of information for more than 27,233 slaving voyages. Some 11,062,000 Africans were transported between 1519 and 1867, though these numbers are constantly revised upward. About 55 percent were transported between 1700 and 1799, and 29.5 percent between 1800 and 1849. Surprisingly, about 30 percent were transported after Britain ’ s slave trade abolition acts of 1807.

British slave traders (including those living in British colonies) carried almost 46 percent of all slaves, and the Portuguese were responsible for about 29.1 percent. The remaining Africans were carried by France (13.2%), Spain (4.8%), the Netherlands (4.7%), and the United States (2.5%). British slave traders dominated in the all-important period in the eighteenth century when European industrialization surged. Some 280,000 ‘ about 2.5 percent of all slaves ‘ were imported into the United States, and 48 percent of these were imported after the beginning of the American Revolution (1775-1783).

Some scholars have called the forced importation of Africans into the New World cauldron before the nineteenth century “ the Africanization of the Americas, ” one of the most significant demographic transformations in world history. Up to 1820, Africans outnumbered Europeans by a ratio of over 3 to 1 among those people who were transported across the Atlantic: almost 8.4 million Africans and 2.4 million Europeans. This had an obvious impact on population trends in Africa (depopulation) and in the Americas. The black population of the West Indies, for example, grew from 15,000 to 434,000 between 1650 and 1770 ‘ an increase of almost 2,793 percent ‘ while the white population remained almost static, increasing from 44,000 to 45,000. The need to “ repeople ” the Americas resulted in part from the demand for labor and the almost genocidal impact that European settlement had on the Native American population. Thus, African peoples composed an even larger proportion of the labor force in all of the American regions associated with expanded Atlantic commerce than is generally known.

Beyond the number of Africans who were enslaved, the most hotly debated issue has been the impact that enslaved African labor had on the economic development of slave-trading nations. This was the central thesis in a book by Eric Williams (1911-1981), historian and former prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago, titled C apitalism and Slavery (1944). Williams ’ s book is, in his words, “ strictly an economic study of the role of Negro slavery and the slave trade in providing the capital which financed the Industrial Revolution in England and of mature industrial capitalism in destroying the slave system ” (1944, p. v). Both aspects of his argument continue to provoke considerable debate, especially whether or not British abolition resulted more from economic forces than from humanitarian impulses. This issue has particular relevance to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when large-scale manufacturing using machines became the dominant activity in industrial capitalist economies, especially in Great Britain and the United States, with cotton textiles as the leading sector.

For example, British colonies in the Caribbean and in the South, where slavery thrived, produced an average of more than 80 percent of the total value of British America ’ s exports in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. Enslaved African labor played a central role in the production of rice, sugar, tobacco, and cotton and in other key sectors, including the mining of gold, silver, and precious metals. Sugar and cotton, however, are the two most important sectors, and data in Joseph Inikori (2002, p. 489) bear this out: from 1752 to 1754, sugar ’ s share of British American imports into Britain was 49 percent as compared to cotton ’ s 2 percent. By 1814 to 1816, sugar ’ s share was 52 percent and cotton ’ s only 22 percent. By the 1854-1856 period, however, cotton dominated with 48 percent as compared to sugar ’ s 15 percent.

Sugar and its cultivation provide the first context and a key link in the story of the evolution of racial slavery in the Americas, a point early recognized by No ë l Deerr, who concluded that trying “ to write a history of sugar without at the same time treating of slavery was like trying to produce Hamlet with the part of Laertes omitted ” (1949-1950). Sugar was the crop for which large-scale plantation slavery was constructed, first on European islands in the Atlantic and then in the Caribbean. It was brought over to Hispaniola (now Haiti) in 1493 by Christopher Columbus (1451-1506), who had learned about its cultivation from his Italian father-in-law on Madeira Island, a Portuguese territory. Once transferred to the so-called New World, sugar production became a crucible with an incessant demand for labor of any type ‘ first Native American and then European indentured servants, before the industry fastened onto African labor that was more accessible, available, abundant, and cheap. Scholars have estimated that between 60 and 70 percent of all the Africans who survived the transatlantic slave trade ended up as slaves on the sugar plantations of the Americas.

Cotton was the most decisive raw material for the British and U. S. industrial revolution in textiles, the leading industrializing sector in both nations. The industry was spurred by the invention and improvement of such technologies as the flying shuttle (1733), the spinning jenny (1764), the mule (1779), and the power loom (1785). But the labor of enslaved Africans was also crucial. In 1860 enslaved Africans working on only 3 percent of the earth ’ s land mass in the South produced 2.3 billion pounds of cotton, or 66 percent of the world ’ s total crop, up from 160 million pounds in 1820. This was the sole source for 88.5 percent of British cotton imports in 1860, and even supplied the growing needs of a rapidly expanding cotton textile industry centered in New England after 1790. African and slave-based economies in the Caribbean also provided important markets for British and later American manufactured cloth. Moreover, economist Robert North and others concluded that incomes from marketing slave-produced cotton, tobacco, rice, and sugar ‘ products “ sold in the markets of the world ” & # x2018; shaped the pattern of regional specialization and the division of labor that helped to consolidate the U. S. national economy before the Civil War (1861-1865).

Beyond its pivotal contribution to consolidating the first global commercial and industrial economies centered around the Atlantic Ocean, the “ slave(ry) trade ” was also a focal point of intense national rivalries among European powers. Such rivalries were part and parcel of the rise of new nation-states, initial “ testbeds ” in which the policies and techniques associated with mercantilism, international diplomacy, colonial administration, and war were refined.

Many historical aspects of the slavery industry involving people of African descent from the fifteenth century to the nineteenth century continue to have contemporary consequences. Slavery and the slave trade helped shape the persisting inequities that have historically existed in the economic and social conditions of peoples of African descent all over the world, a theme provocatively captured in the title of Walter Rodney ’ s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972). Second, the slavery industry played a key role in fostering and sustaining racism, an ideology that groups human beings into socially constructed biological categories labeled races , and then treats these groups as if they are inherently “ inferior ” or “ superior ” in the allocation of economic, political, and social resources and opportunities.

Inequality based on class and race has historically been the target of social protests from the earliest days of the slavery industry and continuing through the civil rights and Black Power movements up to the present. Recent calls for reparations ‘ which demand apologies and various forms of compensation to “ repay ” people of African descent for their contribution to the profits and developmental success of nations, companies, and citizens with historical ties to the slave trade and slavery ‘ have sparked considerable controversy. Some governmental units have demanded full disclosure of corporate ties to the slave trade and slavery as a precondition for granting contracts. Other recent movements, however, do not distinguish between historical forms and consequences of slavery and the slave trade that linked African peoples to the rise of capitalism from more recent systems of exploitation and oppression, such as the growing international traffic in human beings associated with contemporary globalization. Such continuing debate and ongoing struggles will undoubtedly shape these movements for social change for many decades to come.

SEE ALSO African Americans; Cotton Industry; Industrialization; Liverpool Slave Trade; Reparations; Servitude; Slave Trade; Slavery; Sugar Industry.

BIBLIOGRAFIA.

Bailey, Ronald W. 1992. The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England. In The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economics, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe, ed. Stanley Engerman and Joseph Inikori, 205-246. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Blackburn, Robin. 1997. The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1942-1800 . London: Verso.

Darity, William, Jr. 1990. British Industry and the West Indies Plantations. Social Science History 14 (1): 117-149.

Deerr, No ë l. 1949-1950. The History of Sugar . 2 vols. Londres: Chapman e Hall.

Eltis, David, Stephen D. Behrendt, David Richardson, and Herbert S. Klein. 1999. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-ROM . Cambridge, U. K., and New York: Cambridge University Press.

Inikori, Joseph. 2002. Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development . Cambridge, U. K .: Cambridge University Press.

Rodney, Walter. [1972] 1981. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa . Rev. ed. Washington, DC: Howard University Press.

Solow, Barbara, ed. 1991. Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System . Cambridge, U. K .: Cambridge University Press.

Thomas, Hugh. 1997. The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870 . New York: Simon and Schuster.

Williams, Eric. 1944. Capitalism and Slavery . Chapel Hill: imprensa da Universidade da Carolina do Norte.

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Slave Trade.

COPYRIGHT 1997 Gale Research Inc.

Slave Trade.

Africans. The purchase and sale of African people was a major part of the early American economy. It was one of the most obvious ways Americans were linked to the global trading economy. From 1783 to 1815, around 150, 000 Africans were forced to migrate to the United States, many of them carried on American ships, and sold through networks of traders after their arrival. Thousands more were carried by American slavers to other parts of the Americas, especially Cuba, until trade there was banned in 1794. The United States accounted for an increasing proportion of the slave trade, as many as 16 percent of all people taken from Africa from 1801 to 1805. The trade centered in New England, especially Rhode Island, but leading merchants in every colony were slavers. Traders would send ships to the west coast of Africa with stores of guns, manufactured goods, and rum. These items would be traded for people brought from the interior by networks of African and European traders centered in the “ factories, ” or forts, along the coast. The ships would then return to America, stopping at the Caribbean colonies and southern states, before returning to the North, loaded with sugar (often in the form of molasses), rice, and other agricultural produce. (This was the so-called triangular trade, although few ships actually made the complete trip.) The trade was complex, with American and European slavers bartering among themselves off the African coast in order to acquire the most desirable variety of goods and selling slaves at various ports along the way home. Rhode Island slavers, for instance, sold half their slaves in Cuba between 1783 and 1802, dispersing the others around the West Indies and on the mainland. The ships themselves were often owned by groups of investors of different nationalities. The trade as a whole also included traffic between Europe and America, with many kinds of commercial goods, of which slaves were only one part. The profits New Englanders enjoyed from the slave trade also helped expand their trading efforts elsewhere; Samuel Brown of Boston, a leader in opening trade to China in the late 1780s, made his initial fortune as a slaver.

SLAVE SMUGGLING.

After the end of the legal importation of slaves from Africa in 1808, some traders did continue to bring Africans in by smuggling. While never very significant economically, this trade still took its toll in human terms on the individuals involved. An 1812 venture described in an abolitionist memoir conveys something of the scope and nature of the traffic:

After resting a few days at St. Augustine, … I agreed to accompany Diego on a land trip through the United States, where a kaffle [gang] of negroes was to precede us, for whose disposal the shrewd Portuguese had already made arrangements. … I soon learned how readily, and at what profits, the Florida negroes were sold into the neighboring American States. The kaffle , under charge of negro drivers, was to strike up the Escambia River, and thence cross the boundary into Georgia, where some of our wild Africans were mixed with various squads of native blacks, and driven inland, till sold off, singly or by couples, on the road. … The Spanish possessions were thriving on this inland exchange of negroes and mulat-toes; Florida was a sort of nursery for slave-breeders, and many American citizens grew rich by trafficking in Guinea negroes, and smuggling them continually, in small parties, through the southern United States.

Source: Philip Drake, Revelations of a Slave Smuggler (New York: Robert M. DeWitt, 1860), p. 51.

Middle Passage. One of the most notorious aspects of the slave trade was the conditions Africans endured on their voyage to America. They were crowded onto small ships, most of the men chained together in pairs. Even without chains the conditions were harsh. Slaves stayed in holds as small as five feet high, and food and water were scarce. If the weather permitted they were forced to exercise or “ dance ” in their chains on deck once a day. In these conditions scurvy and other diseases flourished, and in many cases between 5 and 20 percent of the slaves died. Mortality was high among the white sailors as well, who shared at least some of these conditions, as well as the dangers of sea travel in this period. Slavers considered the slaves to be valuable property, and some did seek to protect their cargo. The Vernons of Rhode Island ordered the captain of their slave ship to let the Africans “ have a sufficiency of good Diet … as you are Sensible your voyage depends upon their Health. & # x201D; Many slavers.

carried doctors to help keep the slaves alive during the voyage. Those who lived faced the ordeal of auction, a frightening process where they were scrutinized publicly by men speaking a foreign language and usually separated from their families and friends, then led to their owners ’ farms.

Legislation . Although some early Americans profited from slavery, many others objected to it. Opposition was helped by a reduced demand for slaves in the years around the Revolution. The important factor here was declining tobacco production, hurt by stagnant European prices. The abuses of the slave trade were well known, and there were many efforts to end it. Eventually, only Georgia and South Carolina permitted slave ships to land, making Savannah and Charleston the largest American slave markets. Southern states inserted some protection for the trade into the Constitution, which included a clause barring Congress from ending the trade for twenty years. Most Americans understood that slave importation would end soon, and the trade boomed after 1790, bringing more Africans into the country in the next two decades than had entered in any previous twenty-year period. In 1807 Congress passed legislation ending the trade, which took effect in 1808. By the Civil War, almost all American slaves were native-born.

Cotton . Although the legal transatlantic slave trade ended in 1808, slave trading continued to be an important part of the American economy. In 1793 a young graduate of Yale College, Eli Whitney, traveled to Georgia. Although he went to pursue studies in law, he already had a reputation as an inventor. He had learned something of mechanics while working as a boy in his father ’ s metalworking shop in Westborough, Massachusetts, and is said to have invented a mechanical apple parer when he was thirteen years old. In Georgia he noticed how difficult it was to remove the seeds from the cotton grown on the plantations there and set about devising a way to mechanize that task. The result was the invention called the cotton gin (short for engine). The gin used a toothed roller to catch the tufts of cotton and pull them through a wire mesh, leaving the seeds behind, and the cotton ready for the textile mill. Whitney ’ s idea was quickly copied, and the rapid spread of the gin changed the face of southern agriculture and affected the fates of millions of people. Before the gin extracting the seeds was so difficult that cotton was profitable only along the Georgia and South Carolina coasts, where a certain variety grew. With the gin other varieties became economical, and the cultivation of cotton spread across the South, meeting the demands of the booming textile industry in the North and in Britain. By 1803 American growers supplied 45 percent of the cotton imported into Britain, and more and more of the new southern territories devoted themselves to the crop. Where cotton went, slavery followed.

Plantation Economy . The early nineteenth century saw the firm establishment of the plantations that were the basic feature of the antebellum southern economy. This economy rested on slave labor. Plantations were large farms, single economic units run by the owner and his family, geared toward the production and sale of staple crops such as cotton. Most owners were closely involved in the work, sometimes personally overseeing the work of between five and ten slaves. Although most plantations were small, the economy was dominated by owners of larger plantations with more than fifty slaves and much higher productive capacity. As the value of cotton rose, the wealth of these slaveholders increased as well. Southern planters rivaled northern traders in economic power and displays of wealth. In the South the slaves themselves were a main source of that wealth. A principal feature of the plantation economy was the steady rate of natural increase within the slave population. Alone in the Americas, the United States slave population continued to grow despite the end of slave importations from Africa.

Domestic Trade . Behind the growth of the plantation economy lay a thriving internal slave trade, which drastically undermined the significance of the end of the transatlantic trade in 1808. The trade was well established as early as the 1780s. Around 100, 000 slaves migrated internally between 1790 and the end of the foreign slave trade, and around another 100, 000 migrated by 1815 as slave sales grew quickly. By 1860 over one million slaves would move from the old slave states of Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas to the West, first to Kentucky and Tennessee, and then to the Deep South. The domestic slave trade was deeply embedded in larger economic relations. In South Carolina, for instance, slave-rich low country planters dominated the legislature and passed regulations limiting the slave trade, in part to prevent agricultural overproduction in the back country, where slaves were in short supply. After 1808 there were no more slave ships, but the domestic trade was just as harsh. Some slaves moved with their masters as they settled new areas, but more were taken from one master in the East and sold to new ones in the West. Most of these were abruptly torn from homes and families, and had to start new lives under harsh conditions. The horrors of this domestic trade were also well known, but it was too profitable to end. The slave Charles Ball brought a price of $400 in the Charleston market in 1805. Speculators crisscrossed the country offering cash for slaves, a sign of the strength of the market. Over time, the chance that a slave born in Virginia where labor was plentiful would be sold to a trader and moved further south increased dramatically, and the threat of sale became a common disciplinary tool. Even Thomas Jefferson used it. In 1803 he sold a slave who had angered him into “ so distant an exile … as to cut him off completely from ever being heard of [again]. & # x201D;

David Eltis, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987);

James A. Rawley, The Transatlantic Slave Trade (New York & London: Norton, 1981);

Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989).

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Slave Trade.

COPYRIGHT 1997 Gale Research Inc.

Slave Trade.

Early Efforts. The first slaves to be purchased in the British colonies in the seventeenth century were sold by Dutch slave traders. By the latter half of the seventeenth century England was able to prevail over Dutch control of the Atlantic Ocean. The English Crown sponsored a trading company in 1660 which they reorganized and rechartered in 1672 as the Royal African Company. For the next twenty-six years this group maintained a monopoly over the sale of African slaves. With the termination of the monopoly, New England merchants became active in the colonial slave trade. They sent goods to West Africa, where they traded for slaves whom they then sold in the West Indies or Carolina. Their slave trade was particularly active in Barbados. Puritan John Winthrop attributed the salvation of the New England economy to trade with the Caribbean. “ It please the Lord to open to us a trade with Barbados and other Islands in the West Indies. & # x201D; Part of that success was based on the sale of African slaves. New England slavers sailed primarily from Massachusetts until 1750, when the center of American slave trade shifted to Rhode Island.

Estatisticas. Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, ten million to eleven million African slaves crossed the Atlantic Ocean. Relatively few of those slaves arrived in the English continental colonies. Most of the slaves (85 percent) went to Brazil and the Caribbean colonies of the British, French, Spanish, Danish, or Dutch. Nine percent of the slaves went to the Spanish mainland. Six percent, or 600,000 to 650,000 Africans, went to the American colonies. Most of the slaves were from the coast of West Africa or from the Congo/Angola area further south. At best a trip between Senegambia and Barbados lasted three weeks. Storms or becalming waters could delay a ship so that the transatlantic voyage took three months and exhausted the food and water supplies. Between 5 and 20 percent of the slaves died in transit during the seventeenth century, but the mortality rate declined in the eighteenth century. Merchants made money only if the slaves arrived alive, so they sought captains who could deliver healthy slaves.

Middle Passage. Sailors referred to the shipboard experience of enslaved Africans across the Atlantic Ocean as “ the middle passage. & # x201D; On board ships men were usually chained, while women and children were allowed some freedom of movement on deck. Captains chose one of two methods for transporting slaves: tight packing or loose packing. Tight packing squeezed as many slaves into a space as possible. Male slaves lay in spaces six feet long, sixteen inches wide, and two-and-one-half feet high. Female slaves lay in spaces five feet long, fourteen inches wide, and two-and-one-half feet high. Such tight spaces prevented the slaves from moving about or even sitting up. Captains who chose this style of storage did not want to waste space. They believed that their net receipts were higher from the larger cargo even if a higher ratio of slaves died. Part of the profit derived from less food and a smaller crew. The Reverend John Newton observed, “ The poor creatures, thus cramped, are likewise in irons for the most part which makes it difficult for them to turn or move, or attempt to rise or to lie down without hurting themselves or each other. Every morning, perhaps, more instances than one are found of the living and dead fastened together. & # x201D; Other captains chose loose packing. They believed that more room, better food, and a degree of liberty reduced the mortality of slaves. Healthy slaves increased the profit. Some captains insured their stock of slaves against drowning. Porque.

insurance did not cover slaves who died aboard a ship, some captains dumped dying slaves overboard and claimed drowning to collect insurance benefits.

Auction Block. The goal of the slave merchants was to make a profit from the quick sale of the enslaved Africans. In some cases an entire cargo might be consigned to a planter or group of planters, which would close the sale to anyone else. A more common circumstance for the sale of slaves was an auction. Prior to bidding, slaves walked before prospective buyers for public inspection, to be poked and prodded. Upon completion of the examination an auctioneer would sell the slaves to the highest bidder. A second method was the scramble. Merchants would establish a fair market price before buyers rushed aboard ships to select slaves. Olaudah Equiano, an emancipated African, remembered, “ On a signal given, the buyers rush at once into the yard where the slaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best. The noise and clamor with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the buyers, serve not a little to increase the apprehension of terrified Africans. & # x201D;

COMÉRCIO TRIANGULAR.

Expanding European empires relied on extensive trade across the Atlantic Ocean. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth century they established a triangular pattern of commerce that reached from Europe to Africa to North America. From Africa to the Western Hemisphere thousands of Africans were brought to slave markets. From North America to Europe raw materials such as coffee, fish, furs, gold, grain, indigo, lumber, naval stores, rice, sugar, and tobacco supplied manufacturing needs. Europe then sent the manufactured goods of alcohol, cloth, metalware, household goods, and weapons to Africa and North America.

Source: Richard Middleton, Colonial America: A History, 1585 ‘ 1776 , I second edition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996).

Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550 ‘ 1812 (New York: Norton, 1977);

Peter Kolch ’ m, American Slavery, 1619 ‘ 1877 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1995);

Allan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680 ‘ 1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986);

Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1975).

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slave trade.

© The Oxford Companion to British History 2002, originally published by Oxford University Press 2002.

slave trade. The slave trade of Great Britain, and those of other European countries, transformed the indigenous African and surpassed the Muslim trades. Britain's became the largest national trade. About 75,000 Africans were carried in British ships in the 17th cent.; in 1701‘1800 the numbers were about 2.5 million out of the 6.13 million slaves exported, reflecting the expanding demand from the British plantations, especially the sugar colonies, as well as exports to Spanish America. Between 1701 and 1810 British North America received about 348,000 slaves, the British Caribbean about 1.4 million.

Richard C. Simmons.

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© The Oxford Pocket Dictionary of Current English 2009, originally published by Oxford University Press 2009.

slav·er 1 / ˈslāvər / • n. chiefly hist. a person dealing in or owning slaves. ∎  a ship used for transporting slaves. slav·er 2 / ˈslavər / • n. saliva running from the mouth. ∎  archaic, fig. excessive or obsequious flattery. & # x2022; v. [ intr. ] let saliva run from the mouth: the Labrador was slavering at the mouth. ∎  show excessive desire: suburbanites slavering over drop-dead models.

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"slaver." The Oxford Pocket Dictionary of Current English . . Encyclopedia. 15 Jan. 2018 < encyclopedia > .

slave trade.

© The Oxford Pocket Dictionary of Current English 2009, originally published by Oxford University Press 2009.

slave trade • n. chiefly hist. the procuring, transporting, and selling of human beings as slaves, in particular the former trade in African blacks as slaves by European countries and North America. DERIVATIVES: slave trad·er n.

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© The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology 1996, originally published by Oxford University Press 1996.

slaver allow saliva to fall. XIV (also sb.). prob. of symbolic orig. (cf. SLOBBER); see - ER4.

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"slaver." The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Etymology . . Encyclopedia. 15 Jan. 2018 < encyclopedia > .

© Oxford Dictionary of Rhymes 2007, originally published by Oxford University Press 2007.

slaver • cadaver , slaver • halva , salver, salvor • balaclava , Bratislava, carver, cassava, Costa Brava, guava, Java, kava, larva, lava, palaver •woodcarver • clever , endeavour ( US endeavor), ever, forever, however, howsoever, never, never-never, sever, Trevor, whatever, whatsoever, whenever, whensoever, wheresoever, wherever, whichever, whichsoever, whoever, whomever, whomsoever, whosoever • delver , elver •Denver • Ava , caver, craver, deva, engraver, enslaver, favour ( US favor), flavour ( US flavor), graver, haver, laver, paver, quaver, raver, saver, savour ( US savor), shaver, vena cava, waiver, waver •lifesaver • semiquaver • achiever , beaver, believer, cleaver, deceiver, diva, Eva, fever, Geneva, griever, heaver, leaver, lever, Neva, perceiver, receiver, reiver, reliever, retriever, Shiva, underachiever, viva, weaver, weever •cantilever.

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Slavery in America: Cotton, Slave Trade and the Southern Response.

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0:05 The Paradox of… 2:50 The Spread of Slavery 4:12 The Slave Trade 6:31 Revolts 7:50 Lesson Summary.

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The Paradox of American Slavery.

In the great American experiment, no idea was more central than the idea of freedom. Freedom is central to the concept of the U. S. Yet, in the nation's beginning, it had an institution which was the antithesis of its primary founding principal - freedom.

Even Thomas Jefferson, Mr. Life-liberty-and-the-pursuit-of-happiness, was a slave owner. He actually wrote several items about slavery and how it didn't fit with the ideals the nation was founded on, yet he only freed two of his own slaves during his lifetime. He did, however, free five more of his slaves in his will and let three run away without pursuit. It is believed that he allowed the escapes because he may have been their father. In this lesson, we will look at the institution of slavery, including the roots of American slavery, the slave trade, life for slaves, and slave uprisings.

How did slavery take root in a free nation?

Slavery has been around forever, but it wasn't a major institution at the beginning of things in the colonies. Long before African slavery came to what is today the U. S., the Portuguese and Spanish had already brought Africans to South America and Latin America. In 1619, the first Africans were brought to the colony of Jamestown by the Dutch.

Why not enslave the native population?

Native Americans were new to being exposed to European disease; they were likely to catch them. They were on their home turf and could escape more easily. They also had political allies that could fight against the slave holders.

Why did they use enslaved Africans?

Slavery had earlier taken hold in the Caribbean. It only took 2-6 weeks to get to the colonies from the Caribbean. Other factors included:

Experience - they had previous experience and knowledge working in sugar and rice production. Immunity from diseases - they were less likely to get sick due to prolonged contact over centuries. Low escape possibilities - they did not know the land, had no allies, and were highly visible because of skin color.

Early on, Africans were not seen only as slaves in the colonies. Let's look at Anthony Johnson. He was an African indentured servant brought to the colonies in the 1620s. He obtained his freedom and purchased 250 acres of land in Virginia. He was the first to hold an African slave in mainland America and had at least one white indentured servant. It was 1660 before colonists began viewing Africans as strictly slaves. In 1670, after his death, the court ruled that as a black man, Anthony was an alien and could not own land. Therefore, the land was taken by the colony.

The Spread of Slavery.

How did slavery spread in the colonies?

New England colonies had no large plantations, so slaves lived in cities and on small farms. Gradually, slavery was abolished in New England. Local slavery was not integral to their economy. The Chesapeake Bay colonies had large tobacco plantations; it became the center of the domestic slave trade. The Carolinas and Georgia had large rice and cotton plantations. So, slavery became well entrenched in the lifestyle and economy there.

How did cotton become king and make slavery a major American institution?

The cotton gin. It was invented in 1793 by Eli Whitney. It made cotton the most important cash crop in the U. S. Cotton, and its reliance on slave labor, spread from Virginia to the South and West until it filled the Southern U. S.

In 1860, at the height of slavery, 25% of all Southerners owned slaves. Of that 25%, 52% owned 1-5 slaves, 35% owned 6-9 slaves, 11% owned 20-99 slaves, and 1% owned 100 or more slaves. Those who owned 20 or more slaves, about 3% of the entire white population, controlled the social, political, and economic power of the South.

The Slave Trade.

How did African slaves find themselves in the New World?

After capture, usually by African enemies and later African slave traders, people were packed tightly into slave ships. The death rate of the passengers was 50%. The ships followed the middle passage of the Triangle Trade.

The Triangle Trade route was the flow of raw material from American colonies to Europe followed by manufactured goods leaving Europe for African Markets. Those manufactured items were traded for enslaved Africans, who were transported on the middle passage to the American colonies.

Destination, auction, and seasoning.

Most Africans landed in Brazil. Very few actually landed in North America. Slaves were auctioned off to the highest bidder, then were put through a process of 'seasoning' to get them ready for work. They learned a European language. They were given a European name and were shown work expectations.

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How did slaves live?

Slaves could not read or write, and it was illegal for them to learn. Some did illegally, but keeping education away from a subjugated people is one big way to keep them down. The inability to write makes it difficult to organize and plan with other groups. Most slaves did have Sundays off, and they went to church. Slave holders needed slaves to stay healthy, and they needed to convince others they were godly. Giving the Sabbath off helped with both of these.

The slave codes were rules for all slaves. They included that slaves could not: leave their home without a pass, carry a weapon, gather in groups, own property, legally marry, defend themselves against a white person, or speak in court.

Punishment.

Slaves were often brutally punished for misbehaving. Punishments including whipping, branding, being sold, gagged, and just about any other way to inhumanely treat a person were used.

How did slaves resist?

One way was flight. Slaves would run away. Another that's close is truancy. A slave would run away for a short amount of time, and then then they would come back. Other forms of resistance included:

Refusal to reproduce - enslaved women would refuse to have children. Covert action - slaves would sometimes kill livestock, destroy crops, start fires, steal stuff, break tools, poison food, and do pretty much do anything to throw a wrench in the slavery machine.

The Stono Rebellion was a failed revolt in South Carolina in 1739. Gabriel Prosser led a failed revolt in Virginia in 1800. Denmark Vesey led a failed revolt in South Carolina in 1822. Nat Turner killed 60 white people in Virginia in 1831.

Let's look more closely at Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner.

First, Denmark Vesey - he was a slave in the Caribbean before coming to the United States. His name was originally Telemaque. He bought his freedom and began planning a slave rebellion that would have been second to none. Someone leaked the plan. Vesey and the other planners were caught, tried, and executed. Later, great abolitionists, like Fredrick Douglass, would use Denmark Vesey's memory to rally support for the Civil War.

In 1831, Nat Turner got his rebellion off the ground. In Virginia, Turner built support for his uprising in Southampton County. Sixty whites were killed. It was the largest uprising before the Civil War. At least 100 slaves and free African-Americans were killed, and after the revolt was put down, Nat Turner and 55 others accused of being a part of the revolt were executed. At least 200 more were killed by militias and white mobs in response to the uprising.

Resumo da lição.

Slavery is an institution that countered every ideal the United States was founded on. Yet, it took root and actually was, in many ways, the economic backbone of the States' early economy.

The cotton gin was invented by Eli Whitney and made cotton a valuable crop.

Slaves were brought to the Americas on the middle passage of the Triangle Trade route.

Some slaves and freemen, like Nat Turner and Denmark Vesey, did revolt.

Resultados de Aprendizagem.

After watching this video, you'll be able to:

Trace the history of how slavery started in America Explain how slavery spread throughout America, particularly with the advent of the cotton gin Describe how slaves were brought in, sold, and punished, as well as how they lived Summarize the slave revolts led by Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner.

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Comércio triangular.

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... novamente prosperaram do comércio "triangular": escravos da África para as Índias Ocidentais, açúcar e café de volta a Bordéus, depois armas e vinhos de volta à África. O marquês de Tourny, intendente de Guyenne, fez a cidade agradável com praças e edifícios finos. O Partido Girondino da Revolução Francesa ...

... os comerciantes estavam ativos no comércio triangular pelo qual o rum feito a partir de açúcar da Índia Ocidental era negociado para escravos africanos, que por sua vez foram vendidos para as Índias Ocidentais. A economia de Medford agora é baseada em serviços e comércio. É o site da Universidade Tufts, fundada em 1852. Diversas coloniais ...

... século XIX - uma base do comércio triangular em rum, escravos e melaço com a África e as Índias Ocidentais e mais tarde do comércio de clipper da China. O primeiro fabricante oficial de pistolas do governo dos EUA, Simeon North, teve sua fábrica lá em 1799. Com a chegada do navio a vapor, Middletown recusou ...

... um sistema grande e lucrativo de comércio triangular envolveu alimentos e produtos de madeira, como palhaços de madeira e barris, que passaram da Filadélfia para as Índias Ocidentais e foram trocados por açúcar, rum e outros produtos das Índias Ocidentais. Estes foram levados para os portos ingleses, onde, por sua vez, foram trocados ...

... uma consequência do infame "comércio triangular" de bens manufaturados, escravos e algodão em bruto continuado por europeus, africanos e americanos - os algodões finos ficaram prontamente disponíveis.

... três etapas do chamado comércio triangular em que armas, têxteis e vinhos foram enviados da Europa para a África, escravos da África para as Américas e açúcar e café das Américas para a Europa.

…trabalho. O comércio se desenvolveu a partir do comércio triangular de escravos trazidos da África, rum e melaço enviados para a Europa e mercadorias européias enviadas de volta às ilhas. St. Thomas tornou-se um importante mercado de escravos para o Caribe. A Dinamarca comprou St. Croix em 1733 e tornou-se um importante centro da cana-de-açúcar ...

Rhode Island.

... o centro do artesão e o comércio triangular (rum, melaço e escravos) no século XVIII, agora é usado em grande parte por embarcações de recreio. A cidade era o site da Burnside Rifle Company, criada em 1853 por Ambrose E. Burnside (um general da guerra civil americana e governador da Rhode Island) e ...

... os primeiros comerciantes prosperaram no comércio triangular de rum, melaço e escravos entre a Nova Inglaterra, a África e as Índias Ocidentais. A impressão em Rhode Island foi iniciada em Newport em 1727 por James Franklin, um irmão mais velho de Benjamin. Em 1758 James Franklin, Jr., estabeleceu o Newport Mercury, que ainda é ...

... uma base para o comércio triangular próspero em melaço, escravos e rum entre a África, as Índias Ocidentais e as colônias americanas.

AP Human Geography (Quizlet)

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AP Human Geography (Quizlet)

Type : Apps & Games, Flashcards & Review Content : Exercises Platforms : Android, iOS, Web Pricing : Free to Try, Recurring Payments Concepts : 1672.

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Quizlet terms for students that are self-studying AP human.

Textbook: AP Human Geography: A Study Guide (3rd edition)

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(5) Ch. 3 AP Human Geography (Migration)

47 concepts , including:

Push factor, Migration, Pull factor, Emigration, Immigration, Refugees, Net migration, net in-migration, net out-migration, Mujahadeen, Mobility, Circulation, Floodplain, Sahel, Dust Bowl, The Grapes of Wrath, intervening obstacle, E. G. Ravenstein.

(6) Ch.4 AP Human Geography (Folk and Popular Culture)

22 concepts , including:

Folk Culture, Culture, Habit, Custom, Popular Culture, Spatial distribution, Hearth, Folk Songs, Popular Songs, vaudeville, Tin Pan Alley, Armed Forces Radio Network, Amish, Isolation, Vidal de la Blanche, Building, Fred Kniffen, Modern Style.

(7) Ch. 5 AP Human Geography (Language)

47 concepts , including:

Language, Literary tradition, Norman invasion, official language, English, Noah Webster, German invasion, King John, Statue of Pleading, Dialect, Standard Language, British received pronunciation, Norman Invasion, language family.

(8) Ch. 6 AP Human Geography (Religion)

68 concepts , including:

Eastern Orthodoxy, Universalizing Religions, Dalai Lama, denomination, ethnic religion, Golden Temple, branch, Hinduism, sect, Roman Catholicism, Protestant, Christianity, Coptic Church, Ethiopian Church, Armenian Church, Maronites.

(9) Ch. 7 AP Human Geography (Ethnicity)

60 concepts , including:

Darfur, sharecropper, ethnic cleansing, Brown v. Board, Ethnicity, Rodney King, United Kingdom, Kashmir, serfs, white flight, Civil War, Apartheid, Jim Crow, triangular slave trade, Ghetto, race, racist, separate but equal doctrine, Plessy v. Ferguson.

(10) Ch. 8 AP Human Geography (Political Geography)

68 concepts , including:

Al Qaeda, DMZ, Korea, imperialism, Unabomber, Treaty of Versailles, Pitcairn Island, Franco Prussian War, Cold War, Places, state, sovereignty, Treaty of Antarctica, Western Sahara, 38th parallel, Taiwan, Polisario Front, Ceuta, Monaco, Russia.

(11) Ch. 9 AP Human Geography (Development)

29 concepts , including:

four little tigers, Development, primary sector, Consumer goods, secondary sector, MDC, LDC, HDI, Life Expectancy, GDP per capita, literacy rate, 20,000, widening, tertiary sector, Productivity, value added, raw materials, Anglo-America.

(12) Ch. 10 AP Human Geography (Agriculture)

56 concepts , including:

Southeast Asia, cereal grain, Agriculture, Crop, hunters and gatherers, McCormick Reaper, combine, sawah, vegetative planting, seed agriculture, Carl Sauer, subsistence agriculture, commercial agriculture, prime agricultural land.

(13) Ch. 11 AP Human Geography (Industry)

65 concepts , including:

Nicholas Appert, iron industry, Calcium chloride, bulk-gaining industry, Coal, 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist fire, Mohawk Valley, Maquiladora, textiles, cottage industry, Fordist, Henry Cort, Richard Arkwright, puddling, rolling, Abraham Darby.

(14) WAS vocab quiz.

17 concepts , including:

culture, society, technology, symbols, language, values, norms, folkways, mores, cultural interaction, ethnocentrism, cultural relativism, cultural diffusion, reformulation, cultural lag, ideology, social movement.

15 concepts , including:

Dot map, Expansive population policies, Restrictive population policies, Eugenic population policies, Demographic transition, Megalopolis, Census, Arithmetic density, Physiological density, Agricultural density, Population pyramid.

15 concepts , including:

Relocation diffusion, Expansion diffusion, Possibilism, Epidemic, Cultural Hearth, Isotherm, Pattern, Activity Space, Cultural Landscape, Connectivity, Spatial, Remote sensing, GIS, Time/distance decay, Environmental determination.

(17) Chapter 3 Human Geography.

34 concepts , including:

remittances, cyclic movements, activity spaces, nomadism, periodic movements, migrant labor, transhumans, migration, international migration, internal migration, forced migration, voluntary migration, laws of migration, gravity model.

(18) AP Human Geography Unit 7 (Industrialization and Economic Development)

79 concepts , including:

Acid Rain, Agglomeration, Agricultural Labor Force, Air Pollution, Alfred Weber, Assembly Line Production/Fordism, Bid Rent Theory, Break-of-bulk - point, Calorie Consumption, Commodity Chain, Consumption, Core-Periphery Model.

(19) AP Human Geography Unit 6 (Cities and Urban Land Use)

75 concepts , including:

Acropolis, Agglomeration, Agora, Bid-Rent Theory, Blockbusting, Central Business District, Census Tract, Centralization, Central Place Theory, Central Place, City, Colonial City, Commercialization, Commuter Zone, Concentric Zone Model.

(20) AP Human Geography Unit 5 (Agriculture)

55 concepts , including:

Agrarian, Agribusiness, Agriculture, Animal Domestication, Aquaculture, Biodiversity, Biorevolution, Biotechnology, Carl O. Sauer, Collective Farm, Commercial Agriculture, Periphery, Crop Rotation, Dairying, Deforestation, Double Cropping.

(21) AP Human Geography Unit 4 (Political Organization of Space)

70 concepts , including:

Annexation, Antarctica, Antecedent Boundary, Apartheid, Balkanization, Berlin Conference, Boundary Disputes, Boundary Process, Buffer State, Capital, Centrifugal Force, Centripetal Force, City-State, Colonialism, Compact State, Confedertation.

(22) AP Human Geography Unit 3 (Culture Patterns & Processes)

100 concepts , including:

Acculturation, Animism, Assimilation, Buddhism, Caste System, Christianity, Commodification, Confucianism, Conquest Theory*, Contagious Diffusion, Creole Language*, Cultural Adaptation, Cultural Appropriation, Cultural Ecology, Cultural Identity.

(23) AP Human Geography Unit 2 (Population & Migration)

68 concepts , including:

Activity Space, Age Distribution, Arithmetic Density, Carrying Capacity, Cohort, Chain Migration, Crude Birth Rate, Crude Death Rate, Cyclic Movement, Demographic Equation, Demographic Momentum, Demographic Transition Model.

(24) Chapters 2,3 Review APHUG.

43 concepts , including:

Agricultural Density, Physiological Density, Census, Crude Birth Rate, Crude Death Rate, Arithmetic Density, Pro-Natalist, Anti-Natalist, Carrying Capacity, Natural Increase Rate, Infant Mortality Rate, Total Fertility Rate.

(25) Rubenstein Vocab.

334 concepts , including:

Acid Deposition, Acid Precipitation, Acitve Solar Energy Systems, Agribusiness, Agricultural Density, Agricultural Revoluion, Agriculture, Air Pollution, Animate Power, Animism, Annexation, Apartheid, Arithmic Density, Autonomous Religion.